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Thread: Joint Communiqué #80 Revision of the Pending Points Political Participation

  1. #1

    Joint Communiqué #80 Revision of the Pending Points Political Participation

    Joint Communiqué #80 Revision of the Pending Points Political Participation

    July 5, 2016

    The National Government and the FARC-EP inform that we have started the revision of the pending issues of the already reached agreements.

    In this round we have concluded the revision of the pending issues of point 2 “Political participation: New Democratic Opening for the Peace”. As a result of this revision, the majority of the pending points have been eliminated, because they were approached in other points of the Agreement or because we reached consensus on issues that had not been defined.

    1. In point 2.1.1.1. “Statute of guarantees for the exercise of political opposition”, we agreed that “parties and political movements with legal status will be convened in a Commission to define the guidelines for the Statute of Guarantees for political parties and movements whom declare themselves in opposition. Additionally, other representative political groups of opposition will be convened to this discussion space as agreed by the Parties. The Commission will facilitate the participation of spokespersons from the most representative social movements and organizations, experts and academics, among others. Based on these guidelines, the National Government will elaborate a bill in joint with the delegates from the Commission of Parties and Political Movements.”

    Within this framework, we have agreed to:

    - Bring forward the request to convene all parties and political movements with legal status, to integrate the Commission to define the guidelines of the Statute of Guarantees for political parties and movements declaring themselves in opposition.

    - Request the convening to integrate this Commission the following representative political opposition groups: Marcha Patriótica and Congreso de los Pueblos, and two experts delegated by the Parties.

    - Request the Commission to open spaces or mechanisms to receive inputs or proposals from other political groups that wish to join the discussion.

    - Request the Commission to deliver their recommendations in the shortest time possible, after the signing of the Final Agreement.

    2. In point 2.2.1. we agreed that National Government will elaborate a bill on guarantees and promotion of citizen participation and other activities carried out by the social movements and organizations, based on guidelines established in the agreement that will be discussed at a national participation space, which will count with the participation of spokespersons from the most representative social movements and organizations.

    Within this framework, we have agreed to:

    - Request to the National Council of Participation, with the support of Foro por Colombia, Viva la Ciudadanía and CINEP, to organize the national participation space related with this point.

    - Request to Foro por Colombia, Viva la Ciudadanía and CINEP to elaborate within the following two weeks a proposal for discussion at the Table, about the criteria and guidelines for the development of this space, guaranteeing a balanced and pluralistic representation.

    3. In the point 2.3.4. “Reform of the electoral system and organization”, we agreed that “In order to ensure greater autonomy and independence of the electoral organization, including the National Electoral Council or the institution in lieu thereof, and to modernize and make more transparent the electoral system, to thereby provide greater guarantees for political participation on equal footing and improve the quality of democracy following the signing of the Final Agreement, a special electoral mission will be established.” We agreed that this mission must deliver their recommendations in a term of 6 months with the aim that the Government make the needed institutional and regulatory adjustments.

    Within this framework we have agreed the following mechanism for selecting the high level experts that will integrate the special electoral mission. The Mission will be conformed by 7 high level experts, mostly Colombian, in this way: a representative of the Mission of Electoral Observation – MOE and 6 experts selected by the following organizations: the Carter Center, the Political Science Department of Universidad Nacional de Colombia, the Political Science Department of Universidad de los Andes and the Netherlands Institute for Multiparty Democracy– NIMD

    4. Finally, once the revision of the agreements is concluded by the gender sub-commission, we have agreed that they will be re-published with the inclusion of the agreed modifications as a result of the revision of the pending points.

    http://farc-epeace.org/communiques/j...unique-80.html

    They've got to be tired, the people need peace, but I fear this will end in tears, and dead, tortured cadre.
    "We say to the workers: 'You will have to go through fifteen, twenty, fifty years of civil wars and international wars, not only in order to change existing conditions, but also in order to change yourselves and fit yourselves for the exercise of political power."'

    MARX (On the Communist Trial at Cologne, 1851).

  2. #2
    Pathways for revolution and socialism are still being explored

    FARC-EP combatant and writer Gabriel Angel takes on the criticism of some radical left-wing sectors at the national and international level in this article.



    The article is divided into two parts; the first part points out, not without irony, the far too simplistic perspective of those who from the “radical left” criticize the FARC-EP and the Peace Process. The second part contains the author’s arguments on context and analysis in defense of the FARC-EP as a Marxist-Leninist organization that employs historical materialism and dialectic methods to develop their action in today's context.

    What follows is the article, translated into English by farc-epeace.org. The original article in Spanish can be found here:

    In an extremely synthetic way, given the space limitations, we could marshal the main criticisms launched from the radical left against the peace process in Havana and against the FARC-EP in simple formulas, in the idea of ​​establishing their degrees of validity and relevance. Apparently, for some sectors, we, the champions of armed insurgency and violent revolution, have now become reformists, traitors and simple social democrats.

    Let's start with their general appreciation of the world and class struggle. According to them, the world is divided into two clearly distinguishable camps, imperialism and its lackeys on the one hand, and on the other, peoples in struggle for materializing the revolution and socialism. If the latter have not been able to succeed, it has been mainly because they have not applied the correct line drawn by Marxism-Leninism.

    Or because they have deviated from it after the taking over of power. The line is clear, the revolution is a violent clash promoted by a peasant-worker vanguard that takes away the power from the capitalist class through an armed insurection. The latter is a result of the maturity of objective and subjective conditions. The first are a tangible reality in all current societies, the second ones are the heritage of the most loyal followers of Marxism.

    This heritage is revealed in the works of Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels and Vladimir Lenin, and comprises a set of immutable principles that should be applied without any variation. Capitalism is a decadent system that is about to collapse and therefore its fall only depends on the audacity and coherence of the vanguard party. The revolution has always been just around the corner and it has only been obstaculized by hesitant leaderships.

    These leaderships are those which have doubts about the permanent willingness of the masses to embark on the final battle, or those who foolishly conceive alternatives other than armed uprising, those who have invented various stages to reach socialism, imagining they can conquer democratic spaces in the world of capitalism, naively believing that imperialism and the bourgeoisie will somehow share their State with the exploited classes.

    Those who instead of leading the insurrection claimed by the opressed, tend to talks and pact formulas of coexistence with the dominant classes. Those who dare to believe in absurd reconciliations between exploiters and exploited, those who even - to reach that hallucination- are able to disolve a revolutionary army about to triumph, those who sign peace accords instead of waging war to the extreme.

    The perfect example, the guide that every revolutionary movement should follow, is in the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917. It was through an armed uprising that the Russian people buried Tsarism in February that year, imposing a brief republican period in which the soviets shared power with the bourgeoisie, to finally reach full power through another insurrection in October.

    Learn how it is done! Shout the critics.

    This is why, sovereignly ashamed and grateful, the FARC-EP must send the Peace Talks and the signed agreements to hell, and instead make a call for the general uprising of the population, while we return to combat, completely ready to fulfill once and for all our strategic plan. People in Colombia are ready to take the streets, block roads and cities, to storm the local power for the revolutionary triumph.

    And if by misfortune or because of the work of some whim we were to be defeated in the attempt, we would have perished heroically, on the battlefield, turned into the heroes of future generations, and therefore inspiring the final triumph, which will inevitably occur as a result of the teachings left by our sacrifice for those who will excitedly pick up our banners.

    That would be a genuine revolutionary behaviour, the irrefutable proof of our loyalness to the guidelines, with our blood reaffirming its absolute correctness and validity. Those who now criticize us would be the first to go out and proclaim this in their weblogs, they would be in charge of raising monuments in our memory, they would stand firm and livid when they hold the one-minute silence in our honor before starting their meetings.

    With all the respect that these critics may deserve, we have to say that they are deeply mistaken. Revolution, like any other human activity linked to the dispute over State power, is fundamentally and foremost a political situation. And politics consists of earning the support of others towards a political purpose. A victorious politician is the one who has an overwhelming number of followers.

    Therefore, a revolution will only be victorious when the masses are not simply on the abstract mindset of dreamers, but rather in the reality of the political struggle. We can say anything we like about the hated imperialism and the evil bourgeoisie, but as long as they have the concurrence of a majority who, for whatever reason, prefers to sit in their shadow instead of fighting them, then no matter how strong rebels shout or how noisy their firearms are, the dominating classes will be impossible to beat.

    Moreover, only a fanatic could deny the fact that they have huge military and repressive apparatuses that they never hesitate to use, they hold the reins of formal education and are owners of the mass media dedicated to shaping people's opinions. And as if that were not enough, they are the owners of scientific and technological knowledge, and by virtue of the above they are able to impose a cultural hegemony that traps and shapes consciences.

    We consider that we surpassed the old debate about the Marxist dogma. For all of us, it is clear that as a valuable source of economic and social knowledge, its invaluable dialectic heritage imposes consider it as a guide and not as a series of commandments. Abraham Lincoln liked to repeat that a compass shows us where the north is and the direction we want to take, but it doesn't show us the abyss, deserts, or the mud of the road.

    It is the concrete analysis of the concrete reality that tells us when to turn around for a while, when a bridge should be build first, when it is better to wait for the river to calm down before jumping into it. To follow the line straight forward, invariably, however correct its Azimuth may be, very easily makes us perish in the attempt. With apologies to our critics, more than half a century of being guerrillas has taught us something about that.

    In politics, considering that one is right will never be enough, in spite of the fact that this is what drives us forward. The massive support of others will always be needed and that's not produced by spontaneous generation, much less within the unequal conditions in which the popular movements confront the power of the ruling classes. To reach massive support, a series of conditions must be reached and created, which would allow us to reach out to people, talk with them, create class consciousness, organize and mobilize.

    In 1917, apart from the tragic experience of the Paris Commune, neither the dominant nor the oppressed classes had knowledge of how a revolution was done. But from the moment the Bolsheviks came to power with the global spread of their ideas and approaches, the issue acquired a scientific spirit. While the underdog obtained a formidable example to follow, the above learned what to do to crush it.

    The specific conditions of Tsarist Russia were rigorously studied by Lenin to shape his tactics, based on past experiences, like the French Revolution, but designing his own line of action, creating it, not mechanically copying a past experience. All later triumphant socialist revolutions had the Russian revolution as a reference, but none of those was the exact repetition or traced the same route. Only those who were truly authentic were able to sustain themselves over time.

    We still continue to live in a capitalist world as was the case in 1917, but it is wrong to consider that the situations of a century later must be examined with the same criteria as Lenin applied to his time and place. The system has developed much more, today's world is more complex, the ruling classes have acquired their own counter-revolutionary experiences and even the proletariat is qualitatively different.

    Lenin himself knew no fascism or national security doctrine, he wasn't able to theorize about the economic crisis of 1929 or the ability of capital to reproduce and concentrate even more as a result of it. In 2008, the most recent financial global crisis took place, but despite its depth and scope, contrary to the provisions of the classics, it was far from representing the breakdown of the system. The old building still looks strong.

    And that cannot be called defeatism. Revolutionaries have to recognize reality to accordingly draw the route to follow. We are not living a heyday of the revolutionary movement, as produced on the planet after World War II or the heyday of the Soviet Union after its victory, which meant a wave of struggles for the independence of peoples, for their democratization, for the revolution and socialism.

    We live in the historical period that followed the collapse of the Soviet Union and socialism in Eastern Europe, which opened the door to the globalization of capital and its neoliberal policies. We live in a moment of absolute arrogance of imperialism. Its capacity and greediness it has shown in order to subjugate people cannot be ignored. We are obliged to recognize the reflux of the revolutionary movement in which we act, which mustn't be understood as the recognition of being defeated, like many of those who are predicting a global anticapitalist revolution coming soon.

    Fortunately, all over the world there still are people and organizations willing to not abandon hope, committed to uphold the validity of revolutionary causes and socialism. But by own experience they've understood the need to find different paths than the so far employed.

    We recognize ourselves as part of this wave that needs to strengthen itself and advance. At the same moment of the revolutionary chaos that followed the fall of the Soviet Union, the Eighth National Conference of the FARC-EP launched its proposal for national reconciliation and reconstruction, which presented a more elaborate version of our old approach to find a political solution to the conflict, within the framework of democratic and anti-neoliberal proposals.

    Knowing that ours would not be the immediate proposals of revolution and socialism, in a time when such words were changed by the ruling classes of the world - and well assimilated by many people - into painful and unsuccessful experiences which should better be forgotten forever. We, revolutionaries, had to survive and it was essential to find a discourse that would find a response from the masses.

    People saw the fall of socialism that way, but what they have been living in their own capitalist countries had been the end of social welfare model, the closure of one factory after another and their transfer to the Far East, the tide of layoffs, privatization of basic services that were previously State owned enterprises, precarious working conditions, bankruptcy of their companies due to liberalization and foreign competition, social decline and overwhelming insecurity.

    Not to mention Colombia, where in addition to those dire consequences of the neoliberal model, agents of the underground drug economy quickly seized the State, and initiated in partnership with major sectors of the traditional parties, a violent onslaught against those who opposed their plans. The State itself did not take long in becoming their ally to fight the insurgency, providing legal and social status to paramilitarism.



    This, in turn, would be more than functional for the project of multinational financial investment in infrastructure, mega mining and agriculture for export, thus becoming an implementor of the most barbaric counter-land reform, stripping millions of peasants from their lands through atrocious crimes, under the plausible pretext that these were collaborators of the antediluvian guerrillas who refused to surrender.

    A revolutionary organization as experienced and responsible as the FARC-EP realized that what had to be done, was to formulate proposals in line with the tragic reality that Colombians were going through, before engaging in heated debates about the validity of the revolution and socialism. At that point, it was understood that massive support to the political struggle would come through the adequate interpretation of the needed changes according to the people´s deepest longings.

    A people besieged by State and paramilitary violence, victim of the terrorist attacks carried out by the drug mafias, threatened on a daily basis on the streets of towns and cities by the death squads, harassed by the impact of a long internal war and on top of that victim of the economic model, had feel the deep aspiration of peace and change in its favor.

    The FARC-EP was clear that peace, democracy and social justice were the banners that had to be raised in a Colombia stricken by State terrorism. We had to provide a huge impetus to the demands of the Colombian people to stop State terror, to open spaces that would allow political action by those from below, who have been deprived of their rights due to the official violence while generating awareness against neoliberalism and injustice.



    These were not precisely the slogans of revolution and socialism, but it was clear to us that by achieving and materializing them, they would generate the conditions for the victims of the economic and political system to play a key role in further transformations, it would open the possibility to organize and advance, to conquer rights and deepen the struggle to expand them. The slogans of life, peace, political freedom, land, State support and others would eventually become a hurricane.

    But we didn’t only say it in proclamations and conferences. We defended it with the force of arms. At the historical moment in which all voices of the Establishment and significant leftist groups were trying to convince us of the need to demobilize, the FARC-EP assumed the military confrontation at its most intense level, we fought without hesitation against the State and its paramilitaries, we shed our blood and many valuable combatants gave their lives.

    This heroic action was what made the Establishment start peace talks in El Caguán. The talks that were used by imperialism and the Colombian oligarchy as a holding pattern for their re-armament and military qualification, in order to launch the most impressive offensive annihilation against us. And so they did, taking advantage of the desire for peace of a people victimized to the limit. A tenacious campaign of defamation accompanied their plans.

    Then the ten bloodiest years of internal war in Colombia arrived. North American, Israeli and British States advised and supported the Colombian State with resources, technology and military aid. Paramilitarism became a heartless monster with the same purpose. Never before so many bombs and fire had rained down on the FARC-EP camps, so much poisonous syndication and so much international manipulation. Still, they were unable to defeat us in spite of the blows we received.



    Then, while our struggle was going on, there was the awakening of much of the people of Latin America and the Caribbean. Surprising and enthusiastic mass movements were gathering and conquering governments in neighboring countries. Chavez, Evo, Correa, Kirchner, Lula, Lugo, Ortega, Zelaya, Funes symbolized and embodied the response of the peoples of the continent to neoliberal policies and the impositions by force by the empire.

    Some more radical than others, some more committed than others with the empoverished sectors, all of them would make up a surprising wave in the middle of the imperialist arrogance of big capital that invaded and destroyed entire countries and cultures to ensure their resources and profits. New slogans and tactics, based on the massive actions of the masses helped us confirm that we were right; revolutions would never again have the classic molds.

    The coup of April 11, planned in the offices of the empire and planned even in its smallest perversity in conjunction with the reactionary sectors of Venezuela, supported immediately throughout the continental right, sank before the eyes of its makers because of a spontaneous and overwhelming popular reaction that returned President Chavez to power. If you look well, that was a revolution that brought the people to power, more than the elections that had taken place a few years before.

    It has been our armed resistance, united to the clamor of millions of Colombians for peace and for the end of the neoliberal policies -that threaten the very existence of the human species- which conquered the space of the Peace Process in Havana. And within it, we have waged a political battle of historic dimensions in order to enforce our idea of ​​peace with social justice and democracy. The agreements signed so far are an example of it.

    Since the beginning of the government of Belisario Betancur [mid 1980s], the FARC-EP has worked tirelessly to achieve a political solution to the internal armed conflict in order to democratize national life, defeat State terrorism and route our country towards a different destination from the one imposed by savage capitalism. It has been 34 years of intense military and political confrontation, incontrovertible proof of our condition as consistent revolutionaries.

    Such political solution requires a sufficient dose of political realism. Of Marxism applied to the concrete Colombian conditions in present time. Once formalized the guarantees for full political exercise, not only for us but also for social and political movements, having the State committed with the eradication of paramilitarism and its promoters in the economic and political sectors, and with an agreed comprehensive rural reform, what's next?

    An important agreement was reached already regarding victims, with an original comprehensive system of truth, justice, reparation and non-repetition, including a Special Jurisdiction for Peace praised by all kinds of experts at the international level. The UN, its Security Council, the European Union, UNASUR, CELAC, the Vatican and the international community in general support what has been agreed and are willing to work together to ensure compliance.

    The FARC-EP will transform into a legal political movement, preserving our cohesion and historical unity with the purpose of broadly working with the masses of exploited people in Colombia, for the fulfillment of all agreements reached at the Peace Process and at the same time the struggle for their strenghtening. We have not abandoned nor will we abandon our ideological and political convictions for revolution and socialism.

    We'll just be working to achieve the latter according to the context of the contemporary world, extending our embrace of solidarity to all revolutionary parties and movements of the world. It is impossible, given the objective correlation of forces, thinking of continuing our armed struggle within the new conditions of legality and guarantees. The abdication of arms is the final conclusion of all conquered by them and by the strength of the masses.

    We understand the dissatisfaction expressed by some radical sectors, but we don’t share it. We are not of those who think that the Cuban revolution has abandoned its purposes and their socialist model for the sake of normalization of relations with the United States. We trust in it, in its people and its history. Times and conditions change and you need to act in accordance with them. As good Communists, we and the Cuban State know it.

    Pathways for revolution and socialism are still being explored by today's revolutionaries. History has not ended because class struggle within it beats stronger than ever. It is true that David managed to beat Goliath with a simple slingshot, but we cannot forget that this is merely a religious myth, that both of them had the support of their masses, and that only the masses are the ones that produced victory.

    Havana, July 5, 2016.

    http://farc-epeace.org/background/it...-explored.html
    "We say to the workers: 'You will have to go through fifteen, twenty, fifty years of civil wars and international wars, not only in order to change existing conditions, but also in order to change yourselves and fit yourselves for the exercise of political power."'

    MARX (On the Communist Trial at Cologne, 1851).

  3. #3
    Paramilitaries Continue Rampage In Colombia: The Case of El Bagre, Antioquia
    07/08/2016 02:29 pm ET | Updated 16 minutes ago

    Dan Kovalik
    Labor & Human Rights Lawyer

    DANIEL KOVALIK, 2015


    Monument to the Disappeared

    The peasant residents of El Bagre, Colombia, in the Department of Antioquia, have been brutalized this year by the paramilitary group known as the Autodefensas Gatinastas, a successor group to the Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia (“AUC”) – the paramilitary umbrella group which was designated as a “terrorist organization” by the U.S. State Department, and which feigned a demobilization back in 2006.

    Thus, according to reports coming out of Colombia, at least 17 peasants have been brutally murdered in the first half of this year by the paramilitaries. As Contagio Radio explains, these victims were “killed, dismembered, [and] thrown into rivers or buried in mass graves.” As a result of these assaults, peasants have set up a humanitarian refuge within El Bagre for the now hundreds of peasants displaced by this violence. I first learned of the this crisis from messages on the Twitter account of former Colombian Senator, Piedad Cordoba, who has been one of the lone voices calling for international attention to the situation in El Bagre, Antioquia.

    The Department of Antioquia is ground zero for paramilitarism in Colombia, and its former Governor, and later Colombia’s President, Alvaro Uribe, one of the key intellectual authors of the paramilitaries. As one AUC leader explained, Uribe “was our commander . . . . He never fired a gun; but he led, he contributed, he was our man at the top. . . . The massacres, the disappearances, the creation of an [AUC] group: he is responsible.” Indeed, for years there have been credible allegations that Uribe was responsible for the formation of an AUC bloc while governor of Antioquia department from 1995 to 1997, and that he used the AUC to coerce millions of voters into electing him President in 2002.

    But again, this is not news to the U.S. government which has been quite aware of Uribe’s paramilitary ties for years. Thus, as Colombia Reports points out:

    In 2004, a declassified US Intelligence Report, originally written in 1991, stated that Uribe had “worked for the Medellin Cartel,” run by notorious drug kingpin Pablo Escobar, who the report described as a “close personal friend.”

    In 2007, another US intelligence report – leaked to the Los Angeles Times – alleged that Uribe instructed General Mario Montoya, a local army commander who was later promoted to become the army’s top commander, to lead a controversial counter-insurgency push in the city of Medellin in which AUC forces played a major role. At least 14 people were killed in “Operation Orion” and dozens were forcibly disappeared.
    Uribe’s known paramilitary ties did not prevent the U.S. from arming his military to the teeth, nor from President George W. Bush considering Uribe his closest friend in the region.

    Moreover, despite the continued allegations against Alvaro Uribe, and the recent arrest of his brother Santiago on charges that he himself was a paramilitary leader responsible for dozens of assassinations, Alvaro Uribe continues to be an important figure in Colombian politics, and the most outspoken public figure in Colombia against the ongoing peace discussions between the Colombian government and the FARC guerillas.

    This puts the current grisly violence in El Bagre, Antioquia into context. This violence is but further proof that there can be no lasting peace in Colombia in the absence of the Colombian government putting an effective end to the paramilitaries which continue to have powerful political allies. So far, the Colombian government, which continues to deny the very existence of the paramilitaries, has shown little will to do this. And, it certainly has shown no will to do so in El Bagre, thus sending military forces to that town to dismantle illegal mining operations set up by local residents to eke out a living, while at the same time leaving the paramilitaries alone to terrorize these residents.

    The U.S., which itself denies the existence of the paramilitaries, and which has in fact encouraged paramilitarism over the years in order to combat the threat of progressive change in Colombia, must be vocal in its opposition to the paramilitaries now in order to ensure the success of the peace process – a process which represents the only real hope for war-torn Colombia.

    http://www.huffingtonpost.com/entry/...b05b4c02fc68b3
    "We say to the workers: 'You will have to go through fifteen, twenty, fifty years of civil wars and international wars, not only in order to change existing conditions, but also in order to change yourselves and fit yourselves for the exercise of political power."'

    MARX (On the Communist Trial at Cologne, 1851).

  4. #4
    Armed Forces attack FARC-EP delegates heading for Havana Peace Talks.

    On July 8, a commission of FARC-EP delegates that were set to be transported towards Havana, Cuba was attacked by Colombian Armed Forces despite the coordinated effort between the National Government and the FARC-EP to allow the procedure.

    Government officials rushed to make statements putting the entire blame on the FARC-EP referring to imprecise coordinates given by the latter on regards of the exact location of departure.

    As of the moment, 3 members of the FARC-EP are injured due to the ambush without the possibility of receiving humanitarian assistance do to bureaucratic and military obstructions set by the Government and its Armed Forces, directly incurring in a violation of International Humanitarian Law (IHL) and creating an environment of mistrust in the midst of the final phase of the Peace Process.

    Comandante Timoleón Jiménez in an interview for Nueva Colombia Noticias explained the situation that happened in La Uribe, Méta that has triggered a national controversy.

    Timochenko recognizes the human error made by establishing the departure point outside of the shared coordinates with the Government; however, this shift was informed by local FARC-EP Comandante Aldinever to the respective Armed Forces Comandante of Brigade 21 via telephone.

    On Friday morning, with apparent previous authorization by the General Command of Colombian Armed Forces, troops from 21st Brigade assaulted the FARC-EP members with ground and air support, leaving 3 insurgents injured.

    Timochenko goes on to emphasize that given the previously explained context, it is not true –as Government officials have put it- that the ambush occurred due to accidental encounter nor that the situation occurred due to an exclusive error made by the FARC-EP.

    At this moment the situation has not been resolved due to the lack of cooperation for humanitarian assistance to the injured FARC-EP members, who in companionship with more guerrilla combatants were ordered to await assistance and incur in combat only for self defense purposes.



    http://farc-epeace.org/peace-process...ace-talks.html
    "We say to the workers: 'You will have to go through fifteen, twenty, fifty years of civil wars and international wars, not only in order to change existing conditions, but also in order to change yourselves and fit yourselves for the exercise of political power."'

    MARX (On the Communist Trial at Cologne, 1851).

  5. #5
    FARC knows that the only good fascist/imperialist dog is a dead one. I guess this was just a reminder. The US puppets want no peace with working class, only submission. These lying treacherous dogs simply confirm this fact.
    "America was never great"

    "Anyone who analyzes the state of affairs in the world will find that it is the imperialists and capitalists, who subject the world to the worst poverty, the worst backwardness, and they are simply the scourge of mankind." - Fidel

    "Privilege begets psychopathy" - blindpig

  6. #6
    FARC-EP women in the eighties: a decade of progress
    Written by Victoria Sandino Palmera

    Written by Victoria Sandino Palmera; Taken from: mujerfariana.org

    Although the eighties are known in Latin America as ?The Lost Decade?, they were not necessarily so for Colombia, where the decade brought some welcome popular victories and -- despite the suffering brought by massacres and acts of political genocide -- this was the decade during which more women than at any time before or since joined the ranks of the FARC-EP.

    ?They had however become an exemplory benchmark and a source of pride to women and youngsters who discovered how these women had been liberated and now -- on an equal footing with the men -- fought for their rights?

    By the late 1970?s many women, donning their olive green uniforms, rope or twine around their waists well armed and kitted, had come into the movement and could be seen marching with their guerilla comrades; backpacks brimming, beautiful and brave, such women were regarded by the public with respect and admiration, almost at times to the point of exotically; they had however become an exemplory benchmark and a source of pride to women and youngsters who discovered how these women had been liberated and now -- on an equal footing with the men -- fought for their rights. The admiration for them was such that many families named new born baby girls after the guerrilla fighters whose names they knew.



    It is true to say that many women had joined the armed struggle since its inception, but it was during the 80?s that this became something of a phenomena. This involvement, in addition to representing a response to violence and poverty, was also because it meant a freedom to many and was a recognition of their political existence. Some of the women that had volunteered prior to the 80?s had assumed responsibilities within the movement and stood out because of their skilled expertise in communictions, popular organization, finance, combat intelligence, troop movement and nursing. Eliana, Amparo, Erika, Gladys Martinez and Tania are some of the women of this generation.

    ?There are many accounts of heroism and dedication, which especially call Gladys Martinez of the 5th Front to mind?

    During the talks process in La Uribe, Meta -- and subsequent to the signing of accords and the truce with the government of Belisario Betancur in 1984 women -- such as those who had come through Communist Youth, the Communist Party, and other leftist movements who had greater degrees of academic and political preparation?assumed more responsibility within the guerilla movement. The images of our female comrades were known nationwide, as were their deeds and the manner in which they worked shoulder to shoulder with the men, their histories and combat experiences, the peaceful legal and political struggles that some had engaged in previously and their conscience and revolutionary committment which had inspired their volunteering for the FARC-EP.

    This was because Colombia in the 1980?s was defined by a generation of leftist and progressive women and men who were firstly hounded by Turbay's State Security and later lost their lives or survived the political genocide committed with impunity against a fractured Patriotic Union, resulting in women across the country opting to engage in armed insurrection. Lucia, of the National Urban Network directorate, who co-signed the 84 cease fire agreement with Alejandra and the psychologist Julia from the directorate of the National Urban Network ?Finance? department stand out among the many women involved in the urban guerilla campaign.

    ?In this regard their personal skills set, past experiences, collective strength and potential for personal development became an important and integral part of the movement?

    There are many accounts of heroism and dedication, which especially call Gladys Martinez of the 5th Front to mind. She was lifted by the enemy, raped by her captors and then forced to march alongside them. Having managed to escape and living for days on only roots and berries, she sought guerilla units and found safety in the company of her comrades. She had become a comandante of note who jointly oversaw troop movements and organization of the masses in an area comprising Uraba Antioqu?o, Chocoano and Cordoba province. She was assassinated by the paramilitaries Carlos and Fidel Casta?o in 1988 in the Las Tangas Hacienda, C?rdoba, together with the comrades of her command; Pimpinela, Aries and Aguilar.

    The truce that held from 28th May 1984 to the 9th of December 1990 (with the exception of certain skirmishes with the army and paramilitaries in different parts of the country) constituted an important space for the guerrillas, not just because it relieved them from active service but because they could also direct their abilities towards various specialities and undertake more advanced military training. Many, as had previously happened in Colombia, who arrived in the nation?s jungle and mountains seeking refuge to save their lives from violence and persecution for their activism on behalf of the Patriotic Union, had experience in social and political positions of leadership or had been, among other things, popularly elected councillors, deputies or mayoresses. In this regard their personal skills set, past experiences, collective strength and potential for personal development became an important and integral part of the movement..



    Dilemmas Faced by Guerilla Women

    There were however repeated dilemmas that the women had to confront, issues that had been ever present since the outset. The truce brought a certain tranquility in the public order to the camps. Couples became established and as a result sons and daughters were born. Some were sent to be raised by family or friends with parents maintaing constant contact and communication. The care for and education of the boys and girls who remained in the camps became the colective responsibility of the organization. This became increasingly so when the truce was broken and the war began again, which had an impact on the social and family fabric of the guerilla movement.

    ?A dramatic and similar experience to that shared with thousands of other revolutionary fighting women in Chile and Central America?

    The majority of infants had to be sent to relatives (aunts, grandmothers and grandfathers) or kept at a distance and many of the women volunteers would never again know anything about their sons or daughters. A dramatic and similar experience to that shared with thousands of other revolutionary fighting women in Chile and Central America. These comrades faced a difficult choice; to remain in the ranks as fighters who had taken the decision to fight for a transformed homeland or dedicate themselves to child rearing; many opted for the latter. This was always a very complex and painful decision making progress.

    When the truce collapsed, most of the women fighters energetically confronted the changed circumstances in a spirit of dignity and sacrifice similar to that of the men involved in ambushes and in the trenches. They took up the gauntled thrown by the Cesar Gaviria government who had pledged to annihalate the FARC-EP ?in less than 6 months?. Many women not only engaged in armed resistence during this stage of the struggle but also in every phase that was to follow. Our brave sisters Sandra, Marllely, Shirley, Viviana, Yira, Carmenza, Rubiela, Yidis, Marcela, Marina, Olga, Lucia, Yancy, Mireya, Otilia, Maritza and so many other dear comrades are survivors from this era. Some from that time, such as Amparo 34, Danis and Shirley Cartagena, Gloria Cepeda, Elicenia, Mallery, Consuelo, Mercedes and Yurani died in combat; others, including Araceli are still detained as political prisoners and others still were released conditionally or relocated because they had been wounded in combat or had other health issues.

    guerrilleras_80_c.jpg

    We have also had to confront cases like that of Karina, who in her time was an outstanding comrade in combat, in troop management and in the organization of the masses -- but whose indiscipline unfortunately made her an easy target for the enemy, who used her young daughter to get to her and to shatter her morale. They had inserted an infiltrator who became her partner and convinced her to desert and to betray everything for which she had struggled. There is no regular or guerrilla army, or indeed any group anywhere on earth exempt from such situations. (The ?La Flaca Alejandra? documentary by our Chilean MIR comrade Carmen Castillo gives some insight into such complex experiences that every Latin American revolutionary generation has lived).

    ?The guerrilla women of the 80?s marked out an important route for all FARC-EP women of yesterday and today?

    Even still, in the case of the FARC-EP, a significant number of combatants from the 80?s ? indeed the vast majority of women who joined during that decade ? have resisted every enemy onslaught and holds high rank in Front direction, Front command, unit leadership or within specialist sectors of high strategic value to the army. Today, some of us are in Havana, guerrilla women playing a transcedental role in the struggle for peace and justice for our beloved Colombian homeland.

    In addition the innumerable tasks we undertake on behalf of our Delegation we are represented by experienced combatants at the Conversation Table and in both the Gender and Technical Sub-commissions. The guerrilla women of the 80?s marked out an important route for all FARC-EP women of yesterday and today. They are all an example of how women within the Colombian guerrilla forces have drawn with indelible strokes and written in rainbow tinted ink, the history of their armed resistence, the history of the new Colombia; a history from which the women who participated in the armed insurrection will never be erased.

    http://farc-epeace.org/blogs/victori...-progress.html
    "We say to the workers: 'You will have to go through fifteen, twenty, fifty years of civil wars and international wars, not only in order to change existing conditions, but also in order to change yourselves and fit yourselves for the exercise of political power."'

    MARX (On the Communist Trial at Cologne, 1851).

  7. #7


    Transitional areas continue visits to the FARC-EP in Colombia PDF Print E-mail

    Transitional areas continue visits to the FARC-EP in ColombiaBogota, Aug 12 (PL) Equipment Government, FARC-EP and UN representatives today continue their travels by Colombian departments where work areas and temporary camps to accommodate the members of the guerrilla movement in the disarmament phase. ( PLRadio )

    Such visits, designed to identify and examine the conditions of such sites, began on Tuesday and will last three days.

    The delegations were in places of Guaviare and Meta -belonging the plains called Orientals in Nariño and Caqueta Cesar -noreste- -located in the south of the country, Norte de Santander -fronterizo with Venezuela Choco and Cauca -both on the Pacific coast and in Antioquia -occidente- said the Office of the High Commissioner for Peace.

    as agreed in the Cuban capital, the surrender of weapons will run in 23 zones and eight smaller camps -of that there primeras- demobilized begin their preparation for return to civilian life.

    the creation of these scenarios was one of the agreements between government spokesmen and the Forces Revolutionary armed Forces of Colombia-People's Army (FARC-EP), to ensure the end of the conflict between the two sides, which will also require the enforcement of the cease bilateral ceasefire.

    both the silencing of the guns as disarmament will be verified by a tripartite mechanism composed of spokesmen of the Executive, the rebel group and a coordinated and funded by the United Nations (UN) mission.

    Some visits concluded with meetings to listen and resolve concerns of communities around the operation of those places.

    Long for more half a century, the civil war has left some 300,000 dead, almost seven million displaced and at least 45 thousand missing.

    Since 2012 the government and the FARC-EP dialogue in Cuba with the aim of finding a solution, meetings which could be concluded at an early date judging by their progress.

    http://www.prensa-latina.cu/index.ph...43181&Itemid=1

    Google Translator
    "We say to the workers: 'You will have to go through fifteen, twenty, fifty years of civil wars and international wars, not only in order to change existing conditions, but also in order to change yourselves and fit yourselves for the exercise of political power."'

    MARX (On the Communist Trial at Cologne, 1851).

  8. #8
    Alexandra Nariño, a Dutch FARC rebel speaks about Colombia's War and Peace



    FARC guerrilla fighter and delegate in the peace negotiations, Alexandra Nariño, speaks to teleSUR about her 14 years with the rebel army / Source: telesurtv.net.

    Alexandra Nariño is not Colombian, yet the impending end of the South American country’s 50-year civil war between the government and left-wing rebel forces represents “enormous happiness” for her.

    That’s because the Dutch national has been fighting within Colombia’s FARC guerilla army for 14 years. After living in the jungle in FARC camps for about a decade, for the last four years Nariño has played a key role in the peace process in Havana, Cuba, that aims to transition Colombia out of the longstanding internal conflict and toward a new era of peace.

    But though Nariño, also known as Tanja Nijmeijer, is from the Netherlands, she says her reasons for deciding to take up arms as part of the left-wing rebel movement were the same as those that pushed her Colombian fellow combatants to join — a claim she admits may be hard for many to believe.

    “I came to Colombia, I saw the injustice and I felt that something had to be done,” Nariño told teleSUR from Havana, the site of the peace talks. “The only difference might be that I didn’t really live the injustice … I saw the state violence, but I didn’t suffer it.”

    Nariño joined the FARC in 2002 after being impacted by the level of inequality and state-sanctioned human rights abuses in Colombia during a year-long stint as an English teacher in 1998. “I think for me it was just enough to know that people (are) suffering to make the decision to join and show my solidarity with them,” she said.

    At the time, the armed conflict was in full swing. The notorious United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia, an illegal paramilitary militia also known as AUC, had launched in the previous year and established a cold-blooded reputation by brutally slaughtering at least 30 people in an attack known as the Mapiripan Massacre in July 1998. A U.S. State Department report on human rights in Colombia the same year documented ongoing problems of extrajudicial killings, forced disappearances, attacks on civilians by paramilitaries and some cases of “social cleansing” at the hands of police.

    Then, in 2000, then-Presidents Bill Clinton and Andres Pastrana launched Plan Colombia, the multi-billion dollar counternarcotics and counterinsurgency military aid package widely condemned by human rights advocates to have been a disaster that spurred massacres, empowered death squads, and exacerbated and prolonged the civil war. Nariño joined the FARC just two years later, the same year far-right, allegedly paramilitary-linked former President Alvaro Uribe entered office.



    Nearly a decade and a half later, Nariño remains committed to the fight that “has always been a political struggle,” saying that her “awareness that there’s still a lot to be done” has kept her in the FARC all these years. She’s also optimistic about the much-anticipated new phase dawning on the country through the peace process, which she sees as offering new spaces in the “struggle for a just society,” including the FARC’s participation in electoral politics.

    “Many people talk about the transition of the FARC into a political movement,” she said. “Many people don’t know that we have always been a political movement. We were a military-political movement, and now we will be a political movement.”

    The FARC, or Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, formed as a rebel army connected to the Colombian Communist Party in 1964 in the wake of a bloody ten-year conflict between Liberals and Conservatives that ravaged mostly rural areas and gave way to a crackdown on self-organized communist communities. The guerrilla uprising was founded on revolutionary Marxist and anti-imperialist demands for agrarian reform and defending the rights of rural peasants. After more than 50 years, these continue to be central issues on the FARC’s agenda and and have formed important cornerstones of the peace process that began in Havana in 2012. “War can become all consuming … but I don’t think that this means that you lose the sense of what you’re fighting for,” said Nariño in reference to how the movement has stayed connected to its roots after all these years.

    She added that political education and consciousness-building is part of “daily life” in the FARC. One internal process has been developing the movement with respect to gender equality in response to the “machismo” that pervades mainstream Colombian society. Women make up nearly 40 percent of the FARC, and while progress has been made, the issue remains an ongoing “everyday” struggle. “In Colombian society you wouldn’t find a community or a group where men and women cook, wash their clothes, go to combat, carry heavy loads, etc.,” said Nariño “In the jungle, everything is on an equal basis. But, this doesn’t mean we don’t have to keep working on it.” A gender perspective has also been incorporated in the peace agreements with a special subcommission in the negotiations process.

    The talks in Havana have achieved landmark partial deals on issues of transitional justice, rights of victims, agrarian reform, crop substitution for coca production, and other matters. Earlier this year, the two sides of the conflict signed a historic bilateral cease-fire agreement, a key step in bringing an end to the war that has claimed over 220,000 lives and uprooted some 6.3 million people, mostly Indigenous and Afro-Colombian.

    “Sometimes I feel a little sad when think of all the people who were comrades of mine who died in the jungle, and now I think they could have made a huge contribution here in Havana and of course in the construction of a new country,” said Nariño. “That is difficult for me to accept … They were young people who could have contributed a lot.” But for Nariño, there’s a lot of reason to be optimistic. “I know how Colombian people have suffered the conflict, and I think it means an opportunity for everyone to start the construction of a new country, to start a new page in the book of history of Colombia,” she said.

    Despite being on the much-heralded brink of peace, important challenges remain. Outstanding issues at the negotiation table include the future political participation of the FARC, the reincorporation of demobilized rebels into society, and other important end-of-conflict measures. Meanwhile, former President Uribe has been fearmongering with far-right rhetoric and pushing for a “No” vote in the plebiscite on the peace agreement, expected within months of signing the deal. “It doesn’t make any sense to vote against peace,” argued Nariño, saying that Colombia’s “extreme-right” has used a series of “false slogans” to obscure the many positive aspects of the peace agreements, from plans for land redistribution to substituting illicit coca production for other crops and specialized peace tribunals to try alleged war criminals.


    “It has become clear that the people who are against the peace process are not the victims of the conflict … they are not the people who have really suffered,” she continued. “They are the people who take advantage of and profit from the conflict.”

    The plebiscite on the peace agreement will need to secure a 13 percent threshold to pass. Even in the unlikely event that Colombians vote down the deal, a “No” vote would not mean that the government could reopen negotiations with the FARC on specific issues, the government’s lead negotiator Humberto de la Calle has said.

    Even after the peace accords are finally signed, which could happen as early as in a matter of weeks, many challenges will of course remain to rebuild the society ravaged by over five decades of conflict.
    “I think that the main challenge for Colombian society will be reconciliation,” said Nariño, pointing to what she described as two divergent Colombias that must be reunited to offer opportunities and provide for the basic needs of all, not just a privileged sector of society. “We will keep on working for reconciliation, social justice and peace in Colombia and we'll make sure that those two Colombias disappear and become one.”

    But the road to this point has not been easy. Nariño says it’s a “pretty tough life” in the FARC and that she has “suffered the stigma” like other rebel fighters nationally and internationally. She argues that the media, especially in Colombia, has had a role in whipping up this contempt while also showing a “lack of teaching peace” in society. The Dutch rebel fighter faces terrorism charges in the U.S., while her home country of the Netherlands recently approved a law that allows the country to revoke the citizenship of citizens who join so-called terrorist organizations abroad. Both the United States and European Union list the FARC as a terrorist organization.

    In Colombia, the FARC and other guerrilla groups have evidently faced harsh criticism over the years, such as accusations of alleged forced recruitment of child soldiers. The organization has denied the charges, maintaining that the forces accepted young victims while highlighting the conditions of war that often force people to make hard choices. Earlier this year, the FARC banned all recruits under 18 years old and agreed to send home all soldiers under 15.

    “We know that in Colombia the situation for children is very tough, and that many times they seek refuge in our camps, sometimes even younger than 15,” said Nariño, singling out examples such as paramilitary violence, domestic violence, and lack of access to education and housing as situations of desperation that push young people into the guerrilla. “But we as the FARC also know of course that war is not a scenario for children to live in and we were more than willing to make this decision as a gesture towards the construction of peace.”

    That construction of peace, though, is only in its infancy as Latin America’s longest-running civil war draws to a close. “We have said many times that peace is not only decided by weapons,” Nariño added. “It is a long term construction and it should involve social justice, opportunities, employment, healthcare, housing, dignified living conditions for everyone.” The country is home to the world’s second-largest population of internationally displaced people after Syria.

    The FARC now has around 8,000 combatants, down from some 20,000 or more at its peak in the 1990’s. The country’s smaller rebel army, the National Liberation Army or ELN, founded at the same time as the FARC, currently has some 3,000 members and has not launched a formal peace process with the government. Colombia has fought the left-wing guerrillas and the so-called “war on drugs” with heavy militarization backed by the United States’ US$10 billion in military aid over 15 years of Plan Colombia. Presidents Barack Obama and Juan Manuel Santos announced a new Plan Colombia 2.0 earlier this year, called Paz Colombia, which is set to pour some US$450 million into Colombia for a total of up to US$4.5 billion over 10 years.

    But as the government locks in military aid in the year Santos has heralded as the “year of peace” and the FARC prepares to disarm and start to participate in politics legally, what’s next for the FARC’s Dutch rebel fighter and top peace negotiator at this historic turning point for Colombia remains uncertain. “In a general way I can say that I will keep up the struggle for justice in Colombia and also in the world,” said Nariño. “What exactly I will do depends on what is needed.”

    http://communismgr.blogspot.gr/2016/...arc-rebel.html
    "We say to the workers: 'You will have to go through fifteen, twenty, fifty years of civil wars and international wars, not only in order to change existing conditions, but also in order to change yourselves and fit yourselves for the exercise of political power."'

    MARX (On the Communist Trial at Cologne, 1851).

  9. #9
    “Many people don’t know that we have always been a political movement. We were a military-political movement, and now we will be a political movement.”
    Man, they better keep that military arm. But this is defeat for FARC. This is surrender. They have fought well over the nearly thirty years, but no individual resistance movement, without international support and solidarity, can stand-up against the US power.
    I spoke with a hard liberal last weekend and he said he knew that he US was "the" imperialist power and had no problem with it. He said that if there had to be a global hegemon, he wanted it to be the US. He holds that the world has to have a "top power" and he wanted it to be 'America". Every objection I raised he agreed with, but would shrug and say, "That's just the way it is. It's too bad that it has to be this way, but there it is."
    I compared the current US policies with mid-nineteenth century NAZI policies. "Yeah, but the US is not as bad as the NAZIs. If you have to have a boss, it is better having a kind one rather than a brutal one." The US is brutal to those who oppose it. "So, don't oppose it."
    I asked my host if he had anything stronger than beer; he said he did.
    "America was never great"

    "Anyone who analyzes the state of affairs in the world will find that it is the imperialists and capitalists, who subject the world to the worst poverty, the worst backwardness, and they are simply the scourge of mankind." - Fidel

    "Privilege begets psychopathy" - blindpig

  10. #10
    Quote Originally Posted by Dhalgren View Post
    Man, they better keep that military arm. But this is defeat for FARC. This is surrender. They have fought well over the nearly thirty years, but no individual resistance movement, without international support and solidarity, can stand-up against the US power.
    I spoke with a hard liberal last weekend and he said he knew that he US was "the" imperialist power and had no problem with it. He said that if there had to be a global hegemon, he wanted it to be the US. He holds that the world has to have a "top power" and he wanted it to be 'America". Every objection I raised he agreed with, but would shrug and say, "That's just the way it is. It's too bad that it has to be this way, but there it is."
    I compared the current US policies with mid-nineteenth century NAZI policies. "Yeah, but the US is not as bad as the NAZIs. If you have to have a boss, it is better having a kind one rather than a brutal one." The US is brutal to those who oppose it. "So, don't oppose it."
    I asked my host if he had anything stronger than beer; he said he did.
    I'd say that was some really exceptional exceptionalism except it ain't and is a "bottom line" argument I've heard too many times. History lessons don't mean a thing cause then ain't now and they haven't seen it on TV.

    Been dealing with the petty booj for the last week and sure glad that is past. Utterly impenetrable, proud of their conditioned ignorance. Only one woman, wife of a cousin and native Panamanian 'lit up' when I started talking about Panama and why I encountered some well placed anti-Americanism. We departed friends.
    "We say to the workers: 'You will have to go through fifteen, twenty, fifty years of civil wars and international wars, not only in order to change existing conditions, but also in order to change yourselves and fit yourselves for the exercise of political power."'

    MARX (On the Communist Trial at Cologne, 1851).

  11. #11
    Colombia dawns without war
    From zero hours on Monday lives Colombia peace for the first time in over half a century between the government and the FARC-EP



    Author: International Drafting | internacionales@granma.cu
    August 28, 2016 23:08:47

    BOGOTÁ.-From zero hours on Monday lives Colombia peace for the first time in over half a century between the government and the FARC-EP.

    Last week the parties had announced to the world that they were ready for the bilateral and definitive cease fire, one of the fundamental steps for the signing of peace in Colombia.

    From Havana, the leader of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia-People's Army (FARC-EP), Timoleon Jimenez, gave the order to silence the guns who have fought relentlessly since the middle of last century.

    "I order all our controls, all of our units, each and every one of our fighters to cease fire and hostilities definitively against the Colombian state from 24 hours tonight," said this Sunday.

    Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos, had ordered the same thing the Army.

    Hours before the entry into force the bilateral and definitive cease-fire with the FARC-EP, the president added that his country are so used to war that had forgotten how to live in peace.

    "We got so used to war that has forgotten us how you feel peace, how it feels to be a normal country," he said in Bogota during the opening of the XXXVIII Walk of Solidarity for Colombia, a program that for nearly four decades dedicated to charity, reports EFE.

    As a gesture of commitment to dialogue, from July 20, 2015 the FARC-EP maintain a unilateral ceasefire, which the government responded with the suspension of aerial bombardment, though still fighting the guerrillas.

    As agreed in Havana, the parties are ready to call D-Day, that would be the time of the signing of the peace talks between the Colombian president, Juan Manuel Santos and Timoleon Jimenez, leader of the FARC-EP.

    That moment marks the beginning of the process of concentration and dereliction of arms of the rebels, to be performed within a maximum period of six months under the supervision and verification of the United Nations.

    Meanwhile, on 2 October it is planned a plebiscite in which all Colombians will vote in favor or against the agreement reached between the parties during nearly four years of talks in the Cuban capital.

    http://www.granma.cu/mundo/2016-08-2...-2016-23-08-47

    Cuba has some prestige riding on the agreement, but even if the government are playing it straight the fascist paramilitaries almost surely will not.
    "We say to the workers: 'You will have to go through fifteen, twenty, fifty years of civil wars and international wars, not only in order to change existing conditions, but also in order to change yourselves and fit yourselves for the exercise of political power."'

    MARX (On the Communist Trial at Cologne, 1851).

  12. #12
    Cuba has some prestige riding on the agreement, but even if the government are playing it straight the fascist paramilitaries almost surely will not.
    Man, the FARC folks better sleep with their guns and loaded. This "feels" like the beginning of some bad, bad shit.
    "America was never great"

    "Anyone who analyzes the state of affairs in the world will find that it is the imperialists and capitalists, who subject the world to the worst poverty, the worst backwardness, and they are simply the scourge of mankind." - Fidel

    "Privilege begets psychopathy" - blindpig

  13. #13
    Quote Originally Posted by Dhalgren View Post
    Man, the FARC folks better sleep with their guns and loaded. This "feels" like the beginning of some bad, bad shit.
    They tried this before and 3000 FARC folks were murdered.

    Perhaps they could move enmasse to Venezuela....not really feasible and I don't think most would abandon the country. But it would be fun to see if Kerry's face could get any longer.
    "We say to the workers: 'You will have to go through fifteen, twenty, fifty years of civil wars and international wars, not only in order to change existing conditions, but also in order to change yourselves and fit yourselves for the exercise of political power."'

    MARX (On the Communist Trial at Cologne, 1851).

  14. #14
    o heavy defeat in Colombia 2 Comments
    Political decisions on the agreements and the end of the conflict, will be the defeat of an idea that since the time of the conservative restoration, with Mariano Ospina and Laureano Gomez 40, imposed from above a war we thought life. The assassination of Jorge Eliecer Gaitan on April 9, 1948, instigated by the same speech today incites hatred and calls death, was used even to launch a war of extermination against the liberal people persecuted, expelled from their land and homes, betrayed and abandoned by the leaders of the liberal party, one day had enough and took up arms against the dignity and conservative power, to defend their lives, their property and their families. We follow with cuts and new actors, in a war that is now beginning to come to an end, and with it the historic and resounding defeat of the plebiscite and not Accords Havana.

    No heavy defeat in Colombia
    We are at a defining moment that will chart the direction of society, the State and institutions. This unique moment and whatever happens will forever change who we were, so we can and want to be as a society and state.

    The historic armed uprising in Colombia, not an end per se, reaches his final days. They are not all yet but there is no turning back, stubbornly insisting it would be a suicide that nobody wants, except those interested in perpetuating the war against an entire people.

    Three hard facts will defeat this criminal way of doing politics that lasted for many decades in Colombia. With them uribismo, the Democratic Centre and the extreme right, facing the end of their cycle of domination and influence in the political life of Colombia.

    The Conference of the FARC-EP, between 13 and 19 September, highest decision making body of the guerrillas, most likely ratify the agreement and decide on its traffic rebel party or legal political movement army. It is an incontrovertible fact for unbelievers and skeptics who always tried to FARC unable to change and make the transition to political movement, given the conditions and guarantees for this step.

    The signing of the General Agreement ending the conflict and building a stable and lasting peace will seal the end of the long cycle of confrontation between the FARC and the Colombian government. The world witness and Colombia whole, corroborated what the Democratic Center and the extreme right always opposed it were true.

    The ceasefire and bilateral hostilities and definitive, that and both sides welcomed, is another concrete demonstration that if reconciliation between brothers and two forces that were enemies for more than five decades possible, fighting each other relentlessly, being caused large low, while grew an immense tragedy that affected millions of Colombians who were not part of the confrontation, today dignity recognized in the agreements as victims entitled to truth, justice, reparation and guarantees of non - repetition.

    The concentration of the fronts of the FARC-EP in the 22 zones veredales Transitory and 6 camps where will the surrender of all weapons to the United Nations, will be another significant event that will leave no arguments to those who want the return to war.

    The plebiscite on October 2, will be the most important political decision that will take the people after more than 60 years since the last plebiscite was done in 1957. It will be the mechanism of popular participation that will give legitimacy to the agreements reached and finally the armed conflict.

    All these unanswerable political events, will play in favor of Yes in a convincing way, leaving not nothing new to say in his campaign aside from the lies and myths that spread about the Agreements and the end of armed conflict.

    The ethical imperative for the Yes to the plebiscite will be the majority popular manifestation that are preferable imperfect and incomplete, the continuation of a war that left an immense humanitarian tragedy, division, intolerance and hatred agreements.

    The majority stake in the plebiscite and accompaniment and verification of society to agreements in its implementation and development, will guarantee that the agreement after so many deaths and so much effort was not in vain. So the conquest of peace can not be an exclusive affair Uribe or Santos, but a collective construction of Colombians, and our biggest challenge of the moment.

    http://www.telesurtv.net/bloggers/Co...0830-0002.html

    This from an academic based in Norway......

    What I want to know if the fascist militias/CIA tools are also being disarmed. Not heard anything about that.
    "We say to the workers: 'You will have to go through fifteen, twenty, fifty years of civil wars and international wars, not only in order to change existing conditions, but also in order to change yourselves and fit yourselves for the exercise of political power."'

    MARX (On the Communist Trial at Cologne, 1851).

  15. #15
    Colombian Communists Speak Out on Peace Agreement

    Aug. 24, 2016


    By W. T. Whitney Jr.

    For a half century both the Colombian Communist Party (PCC) and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC-EP) have held up as their goal peace with social justice. And until the 1980s the two Marxist – oriented organizations did so together; many FARC-EP members, and especially leaders, belonged to the PCC.

    They shared strategic understandings, particularly the “thesis of combination of all forms of mass struggle,” which the PCC introduced at its 10th Congress in 1964, the year the FARC-EP was formed. (1) The idea was that armed struggle, the province of the FARC-EP, would accompany regular political agitation for rights, for change. That thesis fell by the wayside when, following the PCC Congress in 1980, “the way of a political solution” steadily took precedence over armed struggle. And relations between the two groups cooled.

    Now the armed struggle of the FARC-EP is finished, courtesy of the agreement the insurgency signed August 24 with the Colombian government. Does the PCC deserve applause because its approach prevailed? Marxist theorists of an earlier age cast armed struggle as the last-resort mode for defending the revolution. Is the FARC-EP showing weak resolve as it gives up on armed struggle?

    Commentary from Marxist – oriented participants in these struggles may add to our understanding of the historic agreement and of developments on the way. Their opinions, which may shed light on our questions, appear below in the participants’ own words, which surely carry an authenticity lacking in any summary devised by a distant observer.

    Cause for Celebration

    On August 25, the PCC’s Executive Committee took notice. Its communication reads in part: “The conclusion of agreements reached at the negotiating table in Havana is the most transcendental happening in the life of the country. Joy is legitimate; it’s the triumph of the way of a political solution, of constructive dialogue, and of the view that the signing definitively nails down the end of military confrontation between the government and the FARC-EP.

    “ … The Colombian Communist Party sends congratulations for this achievement gained after four years of arduous and complicated talks culminating in a happy ending. The beginning of the most difficult part comes now, specifically the coming together of the people and a commitment by all to a Colombian society mobilized to monitor implementation of what was agreed to and carefully to assure that anticipated outcomes are realized.

    “The first and most important task will be carrying out the plebiscite of October 2 and mobilizing patriotic citizens for backing the agreements that were achieved with a “Yes” vote. They open up horizons of democratic changes, of social reforms, and provide a stimulus to a future people’s intervention toward deciding a new direction for the country, and doing so through a primary constituent [assembly].” (2)

    Class conflict and the balance of forces.

    Carlos Lozano, director of the Communist Party’s Voz newspaper, wrote an article August 12 entitled “FARC: ‘Without an amnesty, there’s no signing of a final agreement.’” Excerpts appearing below illustrate Lozano’s key ideas on the matter: one, that the insurgency and government reached agreement as equal partners and, two, class conflict will inform struggles in the post-agreement period. The full Spanish - language version of Lozano’s article is accessible athttp://prensarural.org/spip/spip.php?article1996. He writes that:

    “In the press conference after the signing of the protocols on August 5, Commander Carlos Antonio Lozada in straight-forward fashion stated that, ‘Without amnesty there’s no final agreement, and there’s no transfer of the guerrillas to the zones [where arms will be given up.’ The cock doesn’t crow any clearer, says the popular refrain. It’s obvious that agreements without amnesty and without a roadmap make no sense. There wouldn’t be any guide for their implementation. The national government must fulfill every commitment made at the table in Havana, as dictated by the bilateral nature of the agreements. There must be no delays or vacillations and certainly no concessions to the enemies of peace that President Santos and government spokespersons often want to slip in.

    “It doesn’t generate confidence, for example, to minimize social investments in the national budget for 2017. They are indispensable for carrying out what was agreed upon in regard to agrarian development and other social gains. The same is true with adoption of the Army’s Damascus Doctrine, a plan for war in the “post-conflict” era. Continued non-fulfillment of the agreements with the Agrarian Summit (3) and with labor organizations has a similar effect … It seems that following the peace agreement, in the new democratic conditions, contradictions between capital and labor will accentuate and will stimulate popular mobilizations. It’s the dynamic of class struggle in social and popular confrontation with neo—liberalism and exploitation by capital.

    “… The road of a negotiated political solution – this is proven - is the only possible one in the face of the failed military way. The government is mistaken when it thinks that the guerrillas are sitting at the negotiating table under conditions of defeat. The discussion takes place among equals; it’s conditioned by a rigid concept of bi-laterality.”

    Jaime Caycedo serves as the Colombian Communist Party’s secretary general. His observations in response to preliminary agreements reached by the peace negotiators on June 23 and to the Constitutional Court’s authorization of a plebiscite for endorsing the final agreement appeared August 2 in the party’s Voz newspaper and its web site. After briefly noting these milestones, he presented an analysis which, translated, appears in full below. It’s accessible in Spanish at:https://www.semanariovoz.com/2016/08...lucha-popular/ According to Caycedo:

    “Each point agreed upon implies a complex chain of measures taken to implement it, both politically and in the courts. And most of the time, institutions dominated by counter-insurgent power will be doing the implementing.

    “As part of the campaign “Yes, Peace is Yours” (La Paz Sí es Contigo), we are defending a vision differing from the “Yes” campaign promoted by the government and so-called National Unity. The main challenge of the plebiscite is that for the first time the people will be intervening with their vote on the decision to move from war to peace. In the crude debate among factions within the bourgeoisie, agreement on a Yes vote involves much more than supporting the President so he might give a clue as to some commitments. Basically, it’s a manifestation both of the defeat of the military solution for counterinsurgency and of consolidation of the way of dialogue, of the political solution, and of agreements for overcoming the social and political armed confrontation, so traumatic and prolonged. Despite limitations, it’s a civilizing advance for the country. The challenge for the left and for advanced forces is to agitate for Yes while making demands for the people along with raising the flags of an authentic democratic opening and pressing social reforms.

    “The government discounts the seriously negative effects of mistreating citizens’ demands and protests against unpopular measures. They include: the ZIDRES law (4), privatization of Isagén, (5) removal of public entities like ETB and GTI away from majority ownership by Bogota’s city government 6), the police code, reinforcement of ESMAD and its heinous criminal role (7), and the announced tax and pension reforms which will aggravate the situation of the middle class. Under that logic of class dynamics, the government and the Capital District (Bogota) are linked. However, one must not underestimate their estrangement, thanks to which dialogue may open up.

    “The slogan of No at the head of Uribe’s ultra-right formations is in fact a utopian proposal for ‘renegotiating the accords’ in order to send ex-combatants to prison and prohibit their participation in political life. What they could not achieve on the battlefield they want to accomplish now through electoral play-acting aimed at blocking the course of the process. The uncertainty they provoke may lead to abstention from the polls. Their opposition to “pedagogy for peace” in favor of the Yes vote is grotesque, sneaky, and irrational.

    “But some sectors campaigning on the left are offering a radically-mistaken short term analysis; they end up providing a favor to people specialized in torpedoing the political solution and dialogue. Their campaign is distracting and deceitful. The moderate and extreme right understands what is happening but marks their red lines on different points. Distracted forces on the left don’t understand the sense of the historical moment, nor do they calibrate the possibility that they may close the accords off from future use in struggles by the people.”

    The role of armed struggle: revolution or reform

    The FARC-EP, having long proclaimed Marxism as its north star, is now after 52 years giving up on armed struggle as its route to revolutionary change. In a recent article, quite long, Gabriel Angel, a FARC combatant and writer on political themes, deals with the accusation, real or imagined, that the insurgency has given up also on revolution and will be content with agitating for reforms within the context of regular politics. Angel’s article, dated July 5, 2016, appears in Spanish on one FARC-EP web site and in English on another. Here we present excerpts of his analysis, titled “Pathways for revolution and socialism are still being explored.” Parts of the English translation have been re-done for clarity.

    Angel evokes a hypothetical criticism from the “radical left.” He envisions a charge from that quarter alleging that the FARC-EP, “champions of armed insurgency and violent revolution, have now become reformists, traitors and simple social democrats.” He continues:

    “According to the accusers, the world is divided into two clearly distinguishable camps, imperialism and its lackeys on the one hand, and on the other, peoples in struggle to bring about the revolution and socialism. If these last haven’t been able to triumph, it’s basically because they’ve not applied the correct line drawn by Marxism-Leninism.

    “… The line is clear, the revolution is a violent clash promoted by a peasant-worker vanguard that takes away power from the capitalist class through armed insurrection, which in turn results from a maturing of objective and subjective conditions. … The latter are the heritage of the most loyal followers of Marxism and are revealed in the works of Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels and Vladimir Lenin. They yield a set of immutable principles that should be applied without any variation. Capitalism is a decadent system that is about to collapse and therefore its fall depends solely on the audacity and coherence of the vanguard party. … [That’s why] the FARC-EP must send the Peace Talks and the signed agreements to hell, and instead call for the general uprising of the population.

    “… With all the respect that these critics may deserve, we have to say that they are deeply mistaken. Revolution, like any other human activity linked to a dispute over state power, is first and foremost a political situation. And politics consists of gaining the support of others towards a political purpose. A victorious politician is the one who has an overwhelming number of followers.

    “Therefore, a revolution will only be victorious when the great masses don’t just figure in the mind of spinners of dreams but appear in the reality of struggle. … As long as the evil bourgeoisie can rely on the acquiescence of majorities who, for whatever reason, prefer to take refuge in the shade rather than fight, then no matter how loud rebels shout or how noisy their guns are, it will be impossible to gain victory.

    “Moreover, only a fanatic could deny that they rely on an enormous military and repressive apparatus, hold the reins of formal education, and are owners of the mass media dedicated to shaping people's opinions. And they control scientific and technological knowledge, and by virtue of all this, they can impose a cultural hegemony that traps and shapes awareness.

    “We think we’ve moved beyond old debates on Marxist dogma. For all of us, Marxism is clearly a valuable source of economic and social knowledge. We regard its invaluable dialectic heritage as a guide rather than a series of commandments. Abraham Lincoln liked to repeat that a compass shows us where north is and the direction we want to take, but it doesn't show us the chasms, deserts, or the mud of the road.

    “… In politics, it never will be enough to think that we alone are right and, more to the point, rely on that idea to drive us forward. Massive support from others will always be needed and that doesn’t happen through spontaneous generation, and not easily under the unequal conditions affecting the people’s movement as it confronts ruling - class power. To gain massive support requires conditions that allow us to reach out to people, talk with them, create class consciousness, organize and mobilize.

    “…We still continue to live in a capitalist world as was the case in 1917, but it is wrong to consider that the situations of a century later must be examined with the same criteria that Lenin applied to his time and place. The system has developed much more, today's world is more complex, the ruling classes have acquired their own counter-revolutionary experiences and even the proletariat is qualitatively different.

    “… We live in the historical period that followed the collapse of the Soviet Union and socialism in Eastern Europe, which opened the door to the globalization of capital and its neoliberal policies. We live in a moment of absolute arrogance of imperialism. Its capacity for plunder and its amply-demonstrated ability to subjugate people cannot be ignored. We are obliged to recognize the disorderly retreat of the revolutionary movement we are part of, but such an interpretation, we add, ought not to be understood as a recognition that it’s defeated … Fortunately, all over the world there still are people and organizations who haven’t abandon hope and are committed to upholding the validity of revolutionary causes and socialism

    “… We regard ourselves as part of this wave that needs to be strengthened on order to advance. Coinciding with the revolutionary chaos that followed the fall of the Soviet Union, the Eighth National Conference of the FARC-EP launched its proposal for national reconciliation and reconstruction, which presented a more elaborate version of our old approach to find a political solution to the conflict, within the framework of democratic and anti-neoliberal proposals … We, revolutionaries, had to survive and it was essential to find a discourse that would find a response from the masses.

    “People … in the capitalist countries experienced … the end of social welfare model, the closure of one factory after another and their transfer to the Far East, the tide of layoffs, privatization of basic services formerly owned by the state, precarious working conditions, bankruptcies due to liberalization and foreign competition, social decline, and overwhelming insecurity.

    “These dire consequences of the neoliberal model played out in Colombia, where agents of the underground drug economy quickly seized the State, and initiated, in partnership with major sectors of the traditional parties, a violent onslaught against those who opposed their plans. The State itself became their ally in fighting the insurgency, providing legal and social status to paramilitarism.[We see] multinational financial investment in infrastructure, mega-mining, and agriculture for export … Millions of peasants were stripped from their land.

    “A revolutionary organization as experienced and responsible as the FARC-EP understood what the moment required: debate over the validity of the revolution and socialism gave way to proposals dealing with this tragic reality. Responding to the deepest longings of the people, we arrived at an interpretation calling for the people to be prepared for struggle for the most profound transformations.

    “ … But at a time when all voices of the establishment and significant leftist groups were trying to convince us of the need to demobilize, the FARC-EP took on intense military confrontation; we fought without hesitation against the state and its paramilitaries. We shed our blood and many valuable combatants gave their lives.

    “….Indeed, it has been our armed resistance that gained for us the space of the peace process in Havana. It joined the outcry of millions of Colombians for peace and for the end of neoliberal policies threatening the very existence of the human species. In Havana we waged a political battle of historic dimensions to assert our idea of ​​peace with social justice and democracy. The agreements signed so far show that.

    “Since the beginning of the government of Belisario Betancur (mid 1980s), the FARC-EP has worked tirelessly to achieve a political solution to the internal armed conflict in order to democratize national life, defeat state terrorism, and direct our country towards a destination other than one imposed by savage capitalism. The proof of our make-up as consistent revolutionaries lies in our 34 years of intense military and political confrontation.

    “To achieve a politicalsolution requires an ample dose of political realism, specifically of Marxism applied to Colombian conditions today….The FARC-EP will transform into a legal political movement, preserving our cohesion and historical unity with the purpose of broadly working with the masses of exploited people in Colombia, for the fulfilment and extension of all that was agreed to in the negotiations. … And, we have not abandoned, nor will we abandon, our ideological and political convictions for revolution and socialism.

    “We think it’s impossible, what with the objective correlation of forces, to continue our armed struggle within new conditions of legality and guarantees [created through the peace process] … The giving-up of arms represents the culmination of everything achieved through their use and through the strength of the masses.

    “ … Today's revolutionaries are still exploring pathways for revolution and socialism. History does not stop; class struggle beats within stronger than ever. They say David really did defeat Goliath with a simple slingshot. We remember this story merely as a religious myth but do suggest they each had their own mass support. We remember too that it takes the right kind of mass movement to achieve victory.

    Translations by the author

    Notes:

    “Gilberto Viera – Pensamiento, Obra, y Vida,” Ediciones Izquierda Viva, Bogotá, 2005, p.64
    A primary constituent assembly aspires to establish a new state and new political system; it’s different from a derived constituent assembly which reforms an existing constitution.
    The Agrarian Summit, formed in the wake of an agrarian and indigenous strike in 2013, convened first in March 2014, and since has advocated for rural populations.
    ZIDRES is the acronym for Zones of Interest for Rural, Economic and Social Development for which legislation was introduced in 2015 aimed at economic and social development of remote, little-used land, but which, according to critics, interferes with small farmers’ access to land and thus with the agreement on agrarian rights fashioned by the peace negotiators.
    In January, 2016, the Colombian state sold its majority share in the Isagén energy corporation to a Canadian company
    ETB is Bogota’s publically - owned telecommunications company which the mayor wants to privatize. GTI signifies Grupo Técnico Interinstitucional.
    ESMAD is the acronym in Spanish for Mobile Anti-Disturbances Squadron, which functions as Colombia’s national police riot control unit.

    http://mltoday.com/article/2518-colo...e-agreement/91
    "We say to the workers: 'You will have to go through fifteen, twenty, fifty years of civil wars and international wars, not only in order to change existing conditions, but also in order to change yourselves and fit yourselves for the exercise of political power."'

    MARX (On the Communist Trial at Cologne, 1851).

  16. #16
    Output starts camps under FARC-EP


    In order to protect children, this process will not have media coverage and dissemination of images is allowed. | Photo: File

    Published September 10, 2016 (45 minutes ago)

    All children will be received by the International Committee of the Red Cross and subsequently be delivered to UNICEF.

    The protocol for the departure of minors from the ranks of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia - People 's Army (FARC-EP) starts this Saturday. The process will take place in several stages and fronts and also will be accompanied by the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) and UNICEF.

    High Peace Commissioner Sergio Jaramillo, said the first out of the camps are under 15 years and for reasons of basic child protection, the process will not have images or media coverage.

    The ICRC receive and make a first assessment of minors, later a relocation team will deliver to Unicef ​​, which will operate in temporary shelters with the support of the International Organization for Migration (IOM).

    The official explained that the International Committee of the Red Cross will be informing the country whenever an output of these occur.

    "The commitment of the FARC is give us a list of all its members and minors have to leave. This process has been accompanied by the Ombudsman that was part of the technical committee that drafted the protocol and will be fulfilling a role of close observation of the whole process even the decisions of the family advocate " Jaramillo said.

    As indicated by the leader of the FARC-EP, Timoleon Jimenez, alias Timoshenko in the insurgent group currently militate about 21 children. Meanwhile, the Colombian Family Welfare Institute (ICBF) specifies that in the last 17 years have detached from the guerrillas about three thousand 609 children.



    In context
    On May 15, the Colombian government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia - People's Army (FARC-EP) reached an agreement to facilitate the reintegration of children into civilian life.
    On August 24, the parties signed a peace treaty can be definitely legalized on 26 September in Cartagena de Indias, Colombia and will be endorsed in a referendum on 2 October.

    http://www.telesurtv.net/news/Inicia...0910-0010.html

    Google Translator
    "We say to the workers: 'You will have to go through fifteen, twenty, fifty years of civil wars and international wars, not only in order to change existing conditions, but also in order to change yourselves and fit yourselves for the exercise of political power."'

    MARX (On the Communist Trial at Cologne, 1851).

  17. #17
    Colombian Campesino Leader’s Murder by Paramilitaries Casts Shadow Over Peace Prospects
    Posted by UNITED WORLD REVOLUTIONARY FRONT IN DEFENSE OF LIFE AND HUMANITY on SEPTEMBER 8, 2016
    Cecilia Coicue was killed in an area marked as one of the 23 zones where FARC rebels will go to demobilize as part of the peace accords.
    In a somber sign for the budding era of peace in Colombia after over half a century of civil war, a campesino leader and peace activist has been murdered in the northeastern department of Cauca, one of the areas hardest hit by decades of internal conflict between government forces and FARC.
    Cecilia Coicue, a 62-year-old rural leader and member of the Marcha Patriotica movement, was found dead Wednesday on her plot of land in the community of La Cominera, in Cauca’s municipality of Corinto, with a “wound caused by a sharp weapon,” the Ombudsman’s Office of Colombia announced in a statement Thursday.
    Coicue’s farm is located in an area designated as a so-called “concentration zones” where troops from the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, or FARC, will go as part of the process of disarming, verifying the cease-fire, and transitioning former rebels back into Colombian society in the coming months.
    Rural and Indigenous organizations have expressed grief and alarm over the Coicue’s killing, along with murders of six other murders in Cauca in recent weeks, according to Colombia’s El Tiempo. The assassination also comes as a troubling sign for the country’s much-heralded new era of peace just over a week after the start of a definitive bilateral cease-fire between the two sides of the country’s five-decade armed conflict.
    The leftist Marcha Patriotica, one of Colombia’s largest social movements, dubbed it a “cowardly attack on peace.”
    In a statement, the FARC condemned the murder as a “terrible sign” in the early stages of building peace in the wake of the unveiling of the final accords in Havana, Cuba, on Aug. 24 and linked Coicue’s case to a broader systemic problem of violence against human rights defenders and political activists.
    A Stable and Lasting Peace will not materialize if the targeted killing of civic and popular leaders persists
    The Secretariat of the FARC-EP rejects the murder of Cecilia Coicué; a social leader in the municipality of Corinto – Cauca, militant of Marcha Patriótica and owner of the grounds where the installation of a Transitory Point of Normalization is planned to take place at the village of La Cominera within the context of the Normalization Process agreed in the Havana Peace Talks.
    Her assassination, which occurred on September 6 at a time when Cecilia was located within her property, is a bad sign of trustworthiness in the development of peace-building in the territories. These events occur as we move towards the implementation of all mechanisms of the Bilateral Ceasefire and normalization of the territories.
    This is not an isolated event, but rather part of long series of killings and threats against social leaders in the southwestern region of Colombia, which constitutes a serious humanitarian crisis that should raise concerns within the National Government, the Colombian people and the international community.
    These events demonstrate that it is urgent to immediately implement in the territories the measures agreed in the Security Guarantees point of the Final agreement.
    From Havana, we send our compatriot condolences to the family of Cecilia Coicué as well as to her peers and the entire community of La Cominera. We request the immediate clarification of her assassination and expect concrete actions that would allow for all of us to say that these types of situations will not happen anymore.
    National Secretariat of the High Command of the FARC-EP
    FARC is set to disarm and transition into a legal political party through the peace accords.
    Meanwhile, Colombian General Alberto Jose Mejia responded to Coicue’s death by calling it a “situation of utmost concern,” in an interview with the local station Blu Radio. Minister of the Interior Juan Fernando Cristo has called for a thorough investigation into the case.
    In July, the Ministry of the Interior announced that at least 133 members of Marcha Patriotica had been assassinated since it was founded in 2012 as a broad political movement for peace that now brings together some 2,000 social organizations. The movements has called on the government to address the problem of right-wing paramilitary groups, which it holds responsible for targeting is leader with violence.
    The murder comes just weeks ahead of the plebiscite that will ask Colombian voters whether or not they support the peace deal reached in Havana between the government and the FARC, aimed at giving democratic legitimacy to the accords. Ahead of the vote, right-wing factions, led most prominently by former Presidents Alvaro Uribe and Andres Pastrana, have called for a “No” vote on the ballot.
    Marcha Patriotica slammed such positions on its Twitter account Thursday, accusing “enemies of peace” of attacking social activists while fearmongering with rhetoric that claims the peace deal will offer impunity to former rebel fighters.
    The movement also demanded “guarantees to exercise political rights without costing lives.”
    Colombia’s more than five decades civil war has uprooted more than 6.3 million people and left more than 220,000 people dead. Most of the abuses have allegedly been committed by right-wing paramilitary militias.

    https://libya360.wordpress.com/2016/...ace-prospects/
    "We say to the workers: 'You will have to go through fifteen, twenty, fifty years of civil wars and international wars, not only in order to change existing conditions, but also in order to change yourselves and fit yourselves for the exercise of political power."'

    MARX (On the Communist Trial at Cologne, 1851).

  18. #18
    A farewell to arms
    Thank parties Cuba's contribution as a guarantor of this process



    Author: Yaima Puig Meneses | internet@granma.cu
    September 27, 2016 3:09:40
    SIGNING OF PEACE IN COLOMBIA
    Photo: Revolution Studios
    CARTAGENA, Colombia.- "The bet today is for peace", agreed the Cuban press highlighted many Colombians during these days of emotion that streets and towns. And this has become one of the most momentous moments experienced by our region in recent years.

    In a sign of peace for Colombia became the liturgy began shortly after noon Monday in San Pedro Claver church, located in the historic center of Cartagena. "Welcome to this prayer that we raise, trusting God for Colombia," said Bishop Jorge Enrique Jimenez Carvajal, Archbishop of Cartagena.

    There also was Army General Raul Castro Ruz, President of the Councils of State and Ministers, to accompany and share, along with other leaders, representatives of international organizations, foreign ministers and guests, the Colombian people in this moment of love and hope .

    Officiated by Cardinal Pietro Parolin, Secretary of State of the Vatican, the religious ceremony almost an hour was erected in a prayer for Colombia, for the harmony of the Colombian people, for the whole country, with the aim of uniting the different religions in a prayer for reconciliation and unity of the country.

    Cardinal Parolin brought to Colombia supportive words of the Holy Father, who has closely followed the efforts of recent years in favor of peace. "Light the way and decisions that Colombians should take," he asked in his prayer.

    Meanwhile, President Juan Manuel Santos asked God for wisdom to make Colombia "one family, in which no one feels excluded or single."

    And as a sign of peace and reconciliation, then they greeted those present, regardless of creed or nationality, to give so concluded the emotional ceremony.

    Late in the afternoon, they made their entrance on the Esplanade de San Francisco, located in the Convention Center of this city, the leaders present here, all taken their places holding hands of children, whose future has signed this agreement .

    Along with them came the Cuban president to take his place as president of the ceremony, which marks the beginning of a new process that requires the contribution and the will of all Colombians.

    More than 2500 guests wave their hands or white scarves, the square is all light not only the colors in it emerge, but also the faces of excitement and happiness that fill ... because seek a future without violence has been the purpose cherished for so many years.

    The Final Agreement rests on the table, beside the 'balígrafo "that will be signed, a pen made rifle shells, symbol of transition from bullets to education, the future.

    First, on behalf of the Revolutionary Armed People's Army Colombia (FARC-EP) Forces, it was the rubric of Rodrigo Londoño, alias Commander Timoleon Jimenez or Timoshenko. In the press center, then they heard the first bravos of a long list of expressions of support that accompanied all day.

    Also spoke President Juan Manuel Santos, who in a simple and nice gesture offered Londoño the dove-shaped brooch that was in his shirt, symbol of peace that have so long yearned.

    The firm handshake sealed the deal; an agreement already written, but which is now up to life in this country.

    We believe that, with the union of all Colombians, peace can be durable, said Ban Ki-moon, Secretary General of the United Nations, while assured all necessary support in the long road that still lies ahead .

    The bulwark that have become Cuba and Norway as guarantors of this process later thanked; Venezuela and Chile also chaperone countries. "Thanks to these agreements can look to the future with optimism," said the Colombian.

    "As kind and blessed people who never gave up the hope to live in peace" were dedicated the first words of the Commander in Chief of the FARC.

    Touch the Colombian people now become the main guarantor of all agreed he said. Put an end to the long struggle of continued fighting was a slope with the children of this country and now begins to be paid off debt.

    In his words he lacked either the "gratitude to Cuba, Commander in Chief Fidel Castro Ruz, the Army General Raul Castro and the Cuban people in general"; also, the Kingdom of Norway and its people.

    Special recognition Hugo Chavez and President Nicolas Maduro, who continued his work, like Chile, for the role played.

    "On behalf of the FARC-EP sincerely offer forgiveness to the victims of the conflict for all the pain that we have caused in this war" was the culmination of his words.

    Also victims, "who have been the center and the raison d'etre of the solution of this conflict" was the first greeting of the Colombian President. He also thanked the leaders who came to this city to join them.

    A city that from now on will be remembered not only for its natural and architectural beauty, but also "as the city where the most important agreement in Colombia, the city of peace was signed."

    "I prefer an imperfect agreement that will save lives, to a perfect war to continue plunging in pain our families", so, as of today, there is a war less in the world.

    In the square, people laughing, clapping, crying, hugging each other, in the middle of a wonderful sunset gently closed the afternoon. Poignant moments undoubtedly experienced this September in Cartagena, with which open once and for all doors to peace, the guns are silenced and the war ends.


    Photo: Revolution Studios

    As part of its activities in Cartagena de Indias, Army General Raul Castro Ruz, President of the Councils of State and Ministers he exchanged views with several Heads of State or Government and heads of delegations in Cartagena to share so important moment of peace with the Colombian people. Among them, Borge Brende spoke with Chancellor of the Kingdom of Norway, the guarantor in the talks in Havana country.

    http://www.granma.cu/colombia-camino...-2016-03-09-40

    Google Translator
    "We say to the workers: 'You will have to go through fifteen, twenty, fifty years of civil wars and international wars, not only in order to change existing conditions, but also in order to change yourselves and fit yourselves for the exercise of political power."'

    MARX (On the Communist Trial at Cologne, 1851).

  19. #19
    Colombia Votes "No" on Peace Accord, Country's Future Uncertain
    Published 2 October 2016 (2 hours 12 minutes ago)

    The "No" vote won, meaning the peace accord was not ratified by the Colombian population.
    The Colombian plebiscite on whether to move forward with the peace accord reached between the government of President Juan Manuel Santos and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia has been rejected by voters.

    With 99 percent of the vote in, the "No" won by a narrow margin, with 50.23 percent to 49.76 percent for the "Yes" vote.

    The "No" has 6,426,615 votes to 6,365,838 votes for the "Yes."

    There was a 63 percent voter abstention, however, which amounted to 22 million of the 35 million eligible voters.

    The surprising results—which went against all exit polls that had the "Yes" vote winning easily—are showing that the areas most affected by the conflict have overwhelmingly voted "Yes" for peace. For example in the heavily affected area of Choco, with 95 percent of the vote counted, 79 percent voted "Yes." The Caribbean provinces have also voted "Yes."

    In the capital of Bogota, the "Yes" vote won by 56 percent to 44 percent for the "No" vote.

    The plebiscite was non-binding and now the Colombian congress can still elect to pass the laws necessary to comply with the accords, although the amnesty law was built into the plebiscite and basically makes the agreement null.

    Now the questions arise as to why would the Colombian people vote against peace.

    The FARC-EP had consistently called for a Constituent Assembly instead of a plebiscite, arguing that an assembly would be much more representative and would guarantee the participation of the most marginalized and affected peoples in Colombia and would go beyond a simple yes or no vote.

    The "No" vote was led by former president Alvaro Uribe and big landowners who have run the country with impunity for decades. The fear-mongering campaign launched by these forces, with the support of right-wing media, proved to much for the forces for peace.

    Colombians went to the polls to vote on the approval or rejection of the peace agreement reached between the government of Santos and the FARC-EP guerrillas after nearly 4 years of negotiations.

    The question posed to the population was: “Do you support the final accord for the end of the conflict and the construction of stable and lasting peace?”

    The final text of the peace deal was signed on Sept. 26 by Santos and the FARC-EP leader Timoleon Jimenez, with numerous regional leaders and heads of state in attendance. The historic act is now clouded by the outcome of the plebiscite.

    http://www.telesurtv.net/english/new...1002-0007.html
    "We say to the workers: 'You will have to go through fifteen, twenty, fifty years of civil wars and international wars, not only in order to change existing conditions, but also in order to change yourselves and fit yourselves for the exercise of political power."'

    MARX (On the Communist Trial at Cologne, 1851).

  20. #20
    Did Human Rights Watch Sabotage Colombia’s Peace Agreement?
    Like the country’s far right, HRW wanted to send human-rights violators to prison more than it wanted to end the war.
    By Greg GrandinTwitterTODAY 1:46 PM

    Referendum in Colombia


    Supporters of the peace accord between the Colombian government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia, ( FARC) watch pensively as the results of the referendum on whether to support the deal appear on a giant screen, Bogotá, Colombia, October 2, 2016. (AP Photo / Ariana Cubillos)

    On Sunday, Colombian voters rejected the peace agreement that the government, led by President Juan Manuel Santos, worked out with the FARC guerrillas by the slenderest margin possible: 50.21 percent to 49.78, a difference of 53,894 votes. The turnout was 37 percent, out of 34 million eligible voters.

    It’s a heartbreaking disaster for the long, intricate peace process, which sought to put an end to Colombia’s more than five-decade-long civil war. That war has claimed hundreds and hundreds of thousands of lives and has displaced millions upon millions of people. The peace deal, which was worked out during years of negotiations, mostly in Havana, was more aspirational than binding, offering hope that one of the world’s longest-running conflicts would come to an end. Now, that deal is in “tatters.” But keep in mind that “no” won with a sliver of a voting majority (less than 1 percent) of a minority (of eligible voters), with turnout low due to, in many precincts, extreme tropical rain, mostly in coastal departments where “yes” won handily.

    That bad-weather luck almost wants you to invoke the apocalyptic conclusion to Colombia’s most famous novel, Gabriel García Márquez’s One Hundred Years of Solitude, where an unending hurricane washes all away. But the peace might not be lost. Lisa Haugaard, of the indispensable Latin American Working Group, told me, “The Colombian government, fully engaged in finding a negotiated solution, did not do the outreach, socializing, and explaining of the accords that was necessary. The ‘no’ campaign effectively organized around its negative message. Fortunately, after it was clear the ‘no’ vote narrowly won, both President Santos and FARC leader Rodrigo Londoño pledged that the cease-fire will hold and that they remain committed to peace.”

    According to The New York Times, the government and FARC have already announced that they would send diplomats to Havana to begin discussing how to salvage the peace. The FARC responded to the vote by announcing that they remained committed to peace; indeed, the UN has already started disarming the guerrillas. Santos stated that the cease-fire will hold, and the historian Robert Karl, who just wrote a terrific “centuries long history behind Colombia’s peace agreement with the FARC” in The Washington Post, tells me that Santos, as president, has “a good deal of discretionary power” over the military, so let’s hope Santos can keep the security forces on a leash. What Washington, who has spent billions on this war (for the lethal effects of Plan Colombia, see these very useful charts by the Latin American Working Group), will do is unclear. As of early morning Monday, the State Department hasn’t commented.

    “No” won because the right wing, led by former President Álvaro Uribe, was able to turn a vote that was supposed to be on peace into a vote on the FARC. The geographic breakdown of the referendum indicates that “no” won in areas where Uribe and his political party have their support. Take a look especially at the department of Antioquia, where Uribe got his political start as a champion of paramilitary death squads. Sixty-two percent of Antioquia’s voters cast “no.” In the department’s capital, Medellín, a city that has been sold in the United States as a neoliberal success story—Modern! Urbane! Fun! Come visit!—63 percent of voters said “no” (for Medellín’s neoliberal “makeover,” see this essay by Forrest Hylton).

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    Uribe served as president from 2002 to 2010. He is best thought of as a Colombian Andrew Jackson, riding to the top office of his country on the wings of mass murder, rural ressentiment, and financial speculation. As an ex-president, he has been toxic, doing everything he could to keep the war going.

    The Colombian elite, especially the retrograde sector Uribe represents, has much to lose with peace: The end of fighting would create a space in which the country’s many social conflicts—having to do with land, labor, and resource extraction—could be dealt with on their own terms, rather than distorted through counterinsurgent politics. And peace would be costly for some sectors, especially for all those Colombians in the “security” business who for years have fed off the Plan Colombia trough.

    Polls show that a majority of Colombians favor peace. But Uribe and his allies in the media and congress lied, obfuscated, and scared. They managed to convince a small minority (the 54,000-vote victory margin for “no” is about a quarter of the number of civilians killed or disappeared by the state since the start of the civil war) that the agreement was a giveaway to the FARC and that Santos was “delivering the country to terrorism.” The Times identifies Uribe and the “far right” as the “biggest winner.” The former president “had argued that the agreement was too lenient on the rebels, who he said should be prosecuted as murderers and drug traffickers. ‘Peace is an illusion, the Havana agreement deceptive,’ Mr. Uribe wrote on Twitter on Sunday after casting his ‘no’ vote.” Thus Uribe has forced himself on the bargaining table, with Santos saying, as paraphrased by the Times, that he would be “reaching out to opposition leaders in the Colombian Congress like former President Álvaro Uribe,” with the Times adding that “experts predicted a potentially tortured process in which Mr. Uribe and others would seek harsher punishments for FARC members, especially those who had participated in the drug trade.”

    The campaign to keep Colombia’s war going had an unlikely ally: Human Rights Watch. José Miguel Vivanco, the head of HRW’s Americas Watch division, emerged as an unexpected player in Colombian politics when he came out strongly against the “justice” provisions of the peace agreement. Vivanco agreed with Uribe by offering the most dire reading of the agreement possible, saying that perpetrators—in the FARC and the military—of human-rights violations would receive immunity. Vivanco was all over the press in Colombia, with his comments used to build opposition to the accords. Once it became clear that he was lining up too closely with Uribe, he staged a mock public dispute with the former para-president, even while continuing to basically support Uribe’s position (h/t Alejandro Velasco).

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    Vivanco has tried to fudge his position with a false “even-handedness,” complaining that the accord let both the FARC and the military off the hook. But as the always insightful and usually temperate Adam Isacson, from the Washington Office on Latin America, described Vivanco’s bizarre proxy campaign on behalf of Uribe: “not everyone in Colombia is reading Human Rights Watch’s detailed ten-page analysis. What they hear are the large quotes like ‘piñata de impunidad’…or “checkmate against justice’ and believing as a result that Human Rights Watch opposes the entire process. It is a question more of tone, of supportiveness, and of urging creativity at a very key moment.” “Blows like this”—that is, Vivanco’s extremely dire analysis of a necessarily vague political agreement—“can do real damage.” They did.

    That Human Rights Watch played useful idiot to Colombia’s far right was confirmed by its executive director, Kenneth Roth, who on Sunday night gloated about the outcome of the vote on Twitter: “Looks like Colombians aren’t so eager to premise ‘peace’ on effective impunity for FARC’s and military’s war crimes.”

    Now what, Ken? What are you going to tweet at these victims of the FARC who came together to urge a “yes” vote? According to the Colombian weekly Semana, those regions that suffered the most deaths at the hands of the FARC were the most supportive of the peace talks. A “paradox,” Semana said. Enough was enough, victims and their families said. They are painfully aware—in ways that Roth and Vivanco, with their unaccountable Twitter broadsides against the peace process apparently aren’t—of consequences. And they prove more capable of understanding something that the leaders of Human Rights Watch can’t: that you don’t end a half-century war, with its nearly incomprehensible political history and ever-shifting alliances, by applying legal absolutes. You rather end it by political compromise.

    https://www.thenation.com/article/di...ace-agreement/

    Ken Roth is a poison pustule, an ambassador without portfolio from death. Please, please, please, somebody put a cap in his ass.
    "We say to the workers: 'You will have to go through fifteen, twenty, fifty years of civil wars and international wars, not only in order to change existing conditions, but also in order to change yourselves and fit yourselves for the exercise of political power."'

    MARX (On the Communist Trial at Cologne, 1851).

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