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Thread: The KKE: “a thorn in the side” of social-democracy

  1. #181
    The SYRIZA government serves capitalist barbarity: KKE MPs denounce the new austerity measures

    Dimitris Koutsoumbas (Left) and Thanasis
    Pafilis during their Parliament speeches.

    Report by In Defense of Communism, info by & Rizospastis.

    As the Parliament prepares to vote upon the new austerity package (a 4th memorandum agreed by the government, the EU and the creditors), the MPs of the Communist Party of Greece (KKE) unleashed an attack against the government's new antipeople measures.

    Speaking at the Parliament, the Secretary General of the CC of the KKE Dimitris Koutsoumbas denounced the coalition SYRIZA-ANEL government as the one responsible for the shrinkage of people's standards of living and labour rights. "The new antipeople agreement" said D.Koutsoumbas, "consists a new a 4th memorandum" and pointed out that the new measures "both directly and indirectly support the profitability of business corporations". He also stressed that the policy followed by the government is based on directions which increase the exploitation of the working people and strengthen the concentration of the capital.

    The KKE's Secretary General said that responsible for this policy are Greece's ruling class, the Greek industrialists, the Quartet as well as the SYRIZA government, the major opposition party of New Democracy and the rest bourgeois parties. Dimitris Koutsoumbas called the Greek people, the working class, to rise up against the new austerity measures, to give a militant response to the governmental policy, the monopolies and their imperialist alliances, such as the EU and NATO.

    From his side, the parliamentary respresentative of the KKE Thanasis Pafilis said that the SYRIZA coalition government serves capitalist barbarity and tries to satisfy the demands of the capital. He attacked both the government and the major opposition of New Democracy for being engaged in a "false confrontation" which isn't about the popular interests but about who is a better servant of capitalist development within the EU.

    Taking to Flash Radio on Thursday evening, the KKE MP Nikos Karathanasopoulos said that "the measures included in the law consist a ticket to the labyrinth of capitalist development". As he said, the current law proposed by the government is the continuation of the previous austerity memorandums and brings new burdens on the people in order to serve the needs of business corporations. Karathanasopoulos stressed out that the actual implementation of the new measures will be judged in the streets as long as the people are the ones who will have the final word.
    "We say to the workers: 'You will have to go through fifteen, twenty, fifty years of civil wars and international wars, not only in order to change existing conditions, but also in order to change yourselves and fit yourselves for the exercise of political power."'

    MARX (On the Communist Trial at Cologne, 1851).

  2. #182
    'Captain-Yiotis' remembered: Charilaos Florakis, 1914-2005

    Nikos Mottas writes about the legendary Greek Communist leader, partisan-fighter in WW2 and Greece's Civil War, long-time (1972-1991) General Secretary of the Communist Party of Greece, CHARILAOS FLORAKIS.

    By Nikos Mottas.

    It was the 22nd of May 2005 when the tireless communist, the militant guerrilla captain, the popular leader, comrade Charilaos Florakis passed away. At 91 years of age, he was completing a life full of struggles; a life given to the ideals of a better world, for the perspective of Socialism and Communism. His life was given to KKE, to the Party he loved and gave everything.

    The life and activity of Charilaos Florakis has been core part of KKE's history, of the most glorious- but also difficult- peoples struggles in Greece during WW2 occupation, during the Civil War as well as the country's modern history. Comrade Florakis, with his firm faith in the ideas of Marxism-Leninism, was never absent from Greek working class struggles.

    Charilaos Florakis' political activity began in the pre-war decade of 1930s, as a member of the Communist Party's youth wing (OKNE) and later as a student and vigorous worker at the so-called “TTT” (Posts, Telegraphs, Telephone Offices). At an early age, as a teenager, he understood the signs of the ongoing class-struggle in the Greek countryside of '30s:

    “...the hopes that the course of the soviets was giving towards the workers and the poor ones, were oxygen for the people who used to participate in organised mobilisations. On the same time, however, the bourgeois State, which in the beginning was looking numb and awkward, started moving towards counter-attacking and anticommunism. The Police was observing everyone and everything and the workers' leadership was taking numerous precautions for its activity” (Ch.Theocharatos, Charilaos Florakis and Popular Movement, Typoekdotiki 2001, p.60).

    Florakis was present in the workers, labor union struggles, as a working telegrapher, member of the “TTT” struggle committee, acting under especially difficult circmstances in the midst of Metaxas dictatorship's anti-communist frenzy. For his union activity he was transferred many times from town to town. Wherever he was, however, young Charilaos was trying to create contact with clandestine groups of communists.

    Florakis participated actively in the resistance struggle against the Nazi occupation. He was one of the major organisers of the first large strike in Nazi-occupied Europe (April 1942) while he started participating in EAM (National Liberation Movement) activities and also became a member of the Communist Party (KKE).

    As a member of the anti-fascist liberation movement, Charilaos Florakisparticipated actively in the great popular struggles of EAM-ELAS [1] being a guerrilla officer. From 1943 to 1945 he was promoted to the ranks of Captain and, later, of Major in the ELAS army, while he took part in the bloody events of December 1944 against British imperialists and their local servants. He was arrested on October 1945.

    The fight of the Democratic Army [2] in the Civil War was the most significant

    'Captain-Yiotis' in 1940s.

    moment of class-struggle in 20th century's Greece. Charilaos Florakis participated actively in the 1946-1949 war, being a military officer of the Democratic Army- from Lieutenant Colonel he reached the rank of Major General in 1948. 'Captain Yiotis'- as he was known in the guerrilla war- never submitted to “political correctness”. On the contrary, he was known for never mincing his words, calling a spade as a spade. Years after the Greek Civil War he was telling to journalist Christos Theocharatos:

    “Yes, the Civil War was unavoidable. Because, the domestic and foreign reaction had decided to subjugate and exterminate every patriotic and democratic resistance. Only if we were waiting to arrest us, to torture us, to humiliate and kill us, then we wouldn't have a civil war. But, even this, without armed resistance, extermination of us wouldn't be a unilateral civil war? […] The Civil War was a patriotic and democratic struggle, like the Resistance (in WW2) was, and not a fight for a regime. It was the continuation of the Resistance” (Ch.Theocharatos, Charilaos Florakis and Popular Movement, p.324).

    For his political ideas and for his activity as a member of EAM-ELAS and the Democratic Army, Florakis was persecuted by the Greek bourgeois state. He passed through trials and prisons. But he would always manage to find the courage and transform his defense speeches in courts into fierce tirades against his prosecutors. In a testimony to the court in the city of Larisa, on April 1955, Florakis said:

    “Communists aren't those who have no fatherland. Communists are simple people, hard-working people, having ties with the land they were born in. […] Those who don't believe in fatherlands and who have no country are the plutocrats. The wealth gives them the ability to live in any place and every country they want. The Occupation proved, as well as the present situation does, who has a fatherland, who loves her and who sacrifices himself for her freedom and prosperity”.

    Defending his ideas in the court.

    The accusations against him, the persecutions, the threats against his life wouldn't be able to uproot from his mind the strong belief in communist ideals, in the Communist Party (KKE), in the great values for which he fought. Speaking to his prosecutors at the end of a trial he said:

    “Personally- as I told you in the beginning- I am filled by the great ideals of communism. There is no power in the world that can oblige me to denounce them. For the realization of the Party's policy, for the service of our People's interests, for Greece, I gladly offer all my powers and, without doubt, even the most valuable possession for a human being- my own life...”.

    Charilaos passed 18 years in the prisons of Greece's post-Civil War bourgeois state. He was imprisoned at the age of 40, he was released under conditions at 52 and then he was re-arrested and sent into exile at 53. He remained imprisoned for 216 months and 6,570 days. But he fought and, finally, came out victorious. In 1972, in the midst of the anti-dictatorship struggle in Greece, he was elected First Secretary of the- then illegal- Communist Party and later General Secretary of the CC of the Party.

    He remained Secretary of KKE from 1972 until 1991. Florakis fought with all his power for a Communist Party dedicated to the ideals of Marxism-Leninism, against any kind of opportunism and revisionism. His role was undoubtely significant in the 1980s, in a period when the petty-bourgeois 'socialism' of PASOK was alluring people with populist promises.

    Florakis remained solid in his beliefs during the counter-revolutionary 'storm' of 1989-1991 in the USSR and Eastern Europe. Aleka Papariga, who succeeded him as KKE's General Secretary, described his role: “Lively, in front of us, is the decisive contribution of Charilaos Florakis, in 1990, in the wide plenary of the Central Committee, in the 13th Congress in 1991. In defense of the socialist system. His courageously stance to defy the mountains of lies against socialism and socialist ideology. He had- especially in the then extremely difficult and dark times- the solid belief that the world will change, that socialism will win. It isn't always easy to go 'against the flow'. It isn't always easy to remain firm when others are falling. And, even more, to open new ways” (Farewell of the CC, 24 May 2005).

    With Fidel Castro in Havana.

    Charilaos Florakis remained a consistent supporter of what historical Socialism had achieved. When in the dawn of the 1990s, various 'eurocommunists' and 'revisionists' were abandoning the class-struggle ideals, the historic leader of KKE was remaining firm in the ideological heritage of Marx, Engels and Lenin.

    “So, therefore, the overthrow in Eastern Europe consist a 'thriumph of Democracy'! (Translator note: ironically speaking). But, what powers were strengthened by this 'triumph'? The real democratic powers or those powers which, in the name of democracy, have literally came out against socialism? 'Thriumph of Democracy' with the Communist Party outlawed! 'Thriumph of Democracy' with new capabilities for Imperialism's intervention! 'Thriumph of Democracy' with unemployment, misery, hunger and crime!” (Chr.Theocharatos, Charilaos Florakis: The popular leader, Typoekdotiki, 2001).

    Florakis had the perception that the so-called “End of History”- as Fukuyama and the bourgeois propaganda were predicting after the counterrevolutionary events in the USSR- was an illusion. Charilaos was saying:

    Florakis' grave in Paliozoglopi.
    (Photo: Nikos Mottas)

    “Despite it's metaphysical (paranormal) content, (the 'end of ideologies' argument) can't change reality. And the reality states that the contradictions existing in Capitalism, now that the USSR has dissolved, aren't weakened but getting stronger […] Neither Capitalism is eternal nor the end of Communism has come, for the simple reason that the people will not renounce the vision for a just society and won't abandon the struggles for socialism”.

    Charilaos Florakis died on May 22, 2005 at the age of 91 in Athens. His funeral was attended by thousands of people, communists and non-communists, ordinary working-people, young and old ones. According to his own wish, he was entombed at Ayios Ilias, a quiet mountainous place surrounded by forrest, a few kilometres away from his birthplace, Paliozoglopi, in Karditsa, Thessaly.

    Florakis was a real, authentic communist. In a speech, given at the age of 75, he was assuring the audience: “If, like Faust, I had to restart by life, what would I do? I would become a communist once again and I would fight for a better world and, again, I would struggle- with less or more mistakes, doesn't matter- for the fatherland, for democracy, for social justice, for Socialism”.

    Memory eternal, comrade Charilaos Florakis.

    * [1]: EAM: Ethniko Apeleftherotiko Metopo, National Liberation Front was the major movement of Greek resistance during the Axis occupation of the country during World War 2. The main driving force behind EAM was the Communist Party of Greece / ELAS: Ellinikós Laďkós Apeleftherotikós Stratós, Greek People's Liberation Army was the military wing of EAM during the resistance period, until 1945.
    * [2]: Democratic Army of Greece (DSE) was a guerrilla army founded by the Communist Party of Greece during the Civil War of 1946-1949. DSE fought against the conventional Army of the Kingdom of Greece and it's allies, US and Britain.

    In Defense of Communism ©.
    "We say to the workers: 'You will have to go through fifteen, twenty, fifty years of civil wars and international wars, not only in order to change existing conditions, but also in order to change yourselves and fit yourselves for the exercise of political power."'

    MARX (On the Communist Trial at Cologne, 1851).

  3. #183
    Dimitris Koutsoumbas: The significance of the October Revolution in the era of the transition from capitalism to socialism-communism

    By Dimitris Koutsoumbas*.
    Source: International Communist Review, Issue 7, 2017.

    In 2017 we will honour the 100th anniversary of the Great Socialist Revolution that took place in 1917 in Russia. This event marked and determined the course of millions of people, not just within the geographical confines of the first workers' state in the history of humanity, the USSR, but it also had an impact of every corner of the planet for many decades.
    October demonstrates the working class's potential and capacity to implement its historical mission as the only truly revolutionary class, to lead the first attempt to construct socialism-communism.
    At the same time, October shows the irreplaceable role of the guiding force of the socialist revolution, the communist party.
    Great October demonstrates the enormous strength of proletarian internationalism. Despite the developments after the overthrow of socialism in 1989-1991, the 100th anniversary of the October Revolution, with all the theoretical and practical experience and maturity that we have acquired over the years, makes us even more certain and categorical about the timeliness and necessity of socialism-communism.
    The counterrevolutionary overthrows do not change the character of the era. The 21st century will be the century of a new upsurge of the global revolutionary movement and a new series of socialist revolutions.
    The daily struggles for partial and more general gains are undeniably necessary, but they cannot provide substantial, long-term and permanent solutions. Socialism remains the only way out.
    The necessity of socialism is highlighted by the sharpening of the contradictions in the contemporary capitalist world, the international imperialist system. The material preconditions for socialism, i.e. labour power and the means of production, have matured within capitalism itself.
    Capitalism has socialized labour and production to unprecedented levels. The working class, the main productive force, constitutes the majority of the economically active population. However, the means of production, the products of social labour are privately owned by the capitalists.
    This contradiction is the root cause of all the crisis phenomena of contemporary capitalist societies, such as economic crises, the destruction of the environment, the drug problem, the long working day despite the great increase of labour productivity, and which of course coexists with unemployment, under-employment and semi-employment, the intensification of the exploitation of labour power etc.
    At the same time, however, this reality signals the need to abolish private ownership of the concentrated means of production, to socialize them and use them in a planned way in social production, the planning of the economy by workers' power so that the relations of production correspond to the level of development of the forces of production.

    The impact of the Great October Socialist Revolution, the first victorious battle in history for the emancipation of the working class, remains undiminished to this day. Socialism was transformed from a prediction into a specific reality.
    The victory of the revolution provided the possibility of condensing its lessons into a complete theory for socialist revolution and the party. The lessons from it provided the ideological and political basis for the establishment of the Communist International, for a new impetus for the international communist movement.
    The theoretical legacy of October, enriched by the experience of the socialist revolutions that then followed, is priceless.
    It confirmed in practice the correctness of the Marxist-Leninist theory of the revolution, which flows from the complete systematic analysis of imperialism i.e. that the revolution matures over the course of historical developments and breaks out in a period determined by a combination of objective and subjective causes.
    The imperialists and all kinds of renegades distort or conceal the importance of the October Revolution because they obviously understand full well that through its victory the theory and ideas of Marxism became a material force, that millions of workers all over the world mobilized and continue to mobilize against capital's power, were victorious and organized their own state, the dictatorship of the proletariat, which is founded on the direct producers, the working majority, and is the highest form of democracy that humanity has ever seen.

    The Paris Communards in the 19th century took and held power for just 70 days; the new charge to heaven lasted 70 years, constructed socialism, and made an enormous contribution all over the world, surpassing the confines of one country.
    The nihilistic stance towards the socialism we knew, the adoption of views that say it was a total failure-because its course was interrupted-is an unscientific stance and an ahistorical one and leads to impasses.
    Socialism was constructed, developed, and began to solve the major economic and social problems. It was not possible for a number of reasons for it to highlight and most of all liberate, over the entire course of its construction, the inherent potential for the constant development and perfecting of production, to consolidate itself in its struggle against the capitalist system.
    However, this does not negate the contribution and role of the socialist system, as it was formed in the 20th century, irrespective of deficiencies, weaknesses and mistakes that appeared during this difficult course.
    What the October Revolution objectively signaled is the undeniable fact that socialism is the future of humanity. It is the system that through the historical development of society will create new social relations, socialist-communist ones, focusing on the people and the satisfaction of all their needs.

    The October Revolution in practice confirmed the Leninist analysis concerning the weakest link in the imperialist chain. Up until that point what was missing in the international movement was the theoretical foundation for the possibility of the socialist revolution being victorious in one country or a group of countries, which would emerge as weak links, as a result of the sharpening of the internal contradictions under the influence of international developments.
    Of course due to uneven economic and political development, such characteristics can manifest themselves in countries of a medium and lower level of development, where the revolutionary process of course can begin more easily but where it is exceptionally difficult for socialist construction to continue victoriously. Lenin’s analyses contributed to the development of Marxism and to the strategic thinking of the Bolsheviks as a whole.
    The contribution of Lenin and the Bolshevik party was decisive in the confrontation against the section of social-democracy which, violating the decisions of the 2nd International, supported the bourgeois classes of their countries, sometimes by voting for war credits in Parliament, other times by participating in governments that waged wars, supposedly so that there could be a "peaceful development", defending the "imperialist peace" with a gun to the people's heads. A political line which inevitably entangled them even more deeply in the imperialist war, in the sharpening of the contradictions and antagonisms of the imperialist states and their alliances.
    Lenin with the strategic line that he followed determined that from the standpoint of the revolutionary movement of the working class that aims to take power via a revolution, the issue is not a simple "pacifist" opposition to war, but chiefly the utilization of ruptures, which objectively in such conditions, are created in the imperialist camp, the utilization of the weakening of the bourgeoisie in each country with the aim of transforming this imperialist war in each country, whether the country is an "aggressive" or "defensive" stance, into a struggle to overthrow bourgeois power that brings death and poverty for the children of the working class and people.
    The October Revolution confirmed the Leninist position that the modern era, the era of monopoly capitalism, i.e. the imperialist stage of capitalism, is the era of the transition from capitalism to socialism-the era of socialist revolutions.
    The Great October Socialist Revolution also confirmed the role of opportunism as the ideological-political expression of bought off sections of the working class, as the impact of bourgeois and petty bourgeois ideology on the labour movement.
    Lenin, on the basis of the experience of the October revolution, engaged in particular with issues of the power of the new workers' state, the dictatorship of the proletariat. He studied the experience of the Paris commune in detail, the experience of the Soviets of the 1905 revolution in Russia, the role of the state on the basis of the conclusions of Marx and Engels.
    He made a particular contribution to identifying the seeds of the organs of the new power, the character of the dictatorship of the proletariat, as a higher form of state organization of class power for the transition from the early imperfect socialist society to the fully communist society, in both form and content.
    These are lessons and experiences that have timeless value for today as regards the organization of the workers'-people's struggle, when the class struggle is sharpening in conditions of a revolutionary crisis, a revolutionary situation, as regards the organization and expression of the alliance of the working class with the poor popular strata, its natural allies, the poor farmers and self-employed, with the working class in the vanguard, their transformation into a revolutionary forces capable of leading the decisive confrontation against bourgeois power and forming new worker's-people's institutions of the new power.

    The KKE, studying the valuable experience of the October Revolution, Lenin's legacy, the experience of the International Communist Movement itself expressed the conclusions from this research in a number of analyses and documents (Reflections on the causes of the overthrows in 1995, the 18th Congress' decision in 2009 on the experience of the USSR and socialist construction and the causes of the overthrows, the National Conference on the History of the Party in 2011, the elaboration of the new Programme and Statutes of the Party at the 19th Congress in 2013).
    We came to the crucial conclusion that the definition of the political goal, worker's power, must be carried out on the basis of the objective definition of the character of the era, something that determines the class that is objectively in the foreground of social development.
    This defines the character of the revolution and not the correlation of forces which other Communist Parties focus on.
    Of course, the correlation between the two basic rival classes, the bourgeois class and the working class, as well as the stance of the intermediate strata, is a decisive factor for the timing of the socialist revolution. In this sense, a CP must take the correlation of class forces into account, in Leninist terms, i.e. in terms of the relations of the classes with power.
    The CP must at the same time take into account and calculate the correlation of forces inside the labour movement, the movements of its social allies, as an necessary element for suitable maneuvers, slogans so that the masses can be drawn to the struggle for power on the basis of their own experience.
    However this can in no instance become an alibi for the submission of the labour and communist movement to any form of bourgeois governance, for its participation in or toleration of this in the framework of capitalism.
    All the flowers of bourgeois and opportunist ideological constructs bloomed in Greece in recent years. There was and still is a lot of discussion in relation to the need to create "left", "progressive", "democratic", "anti-right", "anti-memorandum", "patriotic", "national", "ecumenical" government (All these names have been used to describe such governments) as an immediate proposal for a way out of the economic crisis and anti-people political line.
    These proposals are being made both by the traditional and the newly formed bourgeois parties, as well as by parties on the "left" wing of the political spectrum. The labour movement must reject all those traps that aim to manipulate the workers'-people's struggle and to co-opt the movement.
    Of course, the unrepentant "Mensheviks" are also present today along with other tardy "communists" who, apart from anything else, follow the development of revolutionary thinking in a delayed way. They ahistorically promote Leninist analysis dating from before the bourgeois-democratic revolution in Russia in February 1917, regarding the possibility of a temporary government of workers and peasants, in conditions when Tsarist power had not yet been overthrown. What has this got to do with the situation today?
    It is undeniable that the conditions of that period were entirely different, as we are talking about a revolutionary situation, with the people organized in the Soviets, armed. We are talking about a bourgeois state that had not had time to establish all its mechanisms.
    In the current conditions of a non-revolutionary situation, of bourgeois power well established for many decades with a fully organized bourgeois state, such a goal of a transitional-temporary government in essence means cooperation with bourgeois forces in order to provide capitalism with breathing space, so that the system can overcome temporary or more general difficulties.
    And what is even more important. Why should the revolutionary movement elevate a thought concerning a possible scenario, which was never realized in the end, into a general theoretical principle and not generalize the strategy of Lenin and the Bolsheviks that actually led to victory?
    Of course, all these well-wishers today say nothing about the positions and political actions of Lenin, beginning in April, after the fall of Tsarism, proclaiming the victorious social revolution in Russia and leading the proletariat for the first time in history to storm heaven and carry out the revolution, breaking the ice, opening up and forging the path for socialism-communism.
    Historical experience has taught us that first "workers'" and "left" governments emerged from social-democratic parties or as coalition governments of social-democratic parties with other bourgeois parties. There has been no instance in the history of the international labour movement and in the period immediately after World War I in particular, when such governments did not arise as a result of the maneuvering of the bourgeoisie in order to deal with a revolutionary upsurge, in order to assimilate the workers'-people's discontent in conditions of a very deep economic crisis before or after a war.
    The goal of such a "left", "workers'" government in the framework of capitalist power, without a revolutionary overthrow, via parliamentary processes, was later adopted by CPs as an intermediate goal with transitional measures. The aim of this, as they believed, was to facilitate the struggle for socialism and solve some pressing popular demands.
    However, experience demonstrates that, despite the good intentions of CPs, they were not able to open a window even and certainly not a path to socialism anywhere, and were also not able to stabilize some gains of the people's movement. This includes the experience before and after World War II and up to the present day. Communist Parties found themselves in the end organizationally, ideologically and politically disarmed.
    The historical experience and significance of the Great October Revolution is incomparable. It confirms that the salvation of the working class and the other popular strata, in conditions of an economic and political crisis, in conditions of imperialist war, is only possible by overthrowing capitalist power and ownership, which of course presupposes the weakening and complete bankruptcy of its various "left" forms, represented by the dangerous trends of reformism-opportunism and the governmental left, as is expressed in Greece by SYRIZA, as well as by its occasional satellites, such as Popular Unity, ANTARSYA and other marginal groups-both in quality and quantity-which give them the pretext of a false broadness.

    The experience and theoretical analysis of the Bolsheviks together with their revolutionary activity in the period from the 1905 revolution to the October Revolution of 1917 has major timeless importance for communists all over the world. It is related to every aspect of the activity of a revolutionary party, which has not lost the goal of workers' power.
    It provides valuable experience for the work of communists amongst broad working class masses, inexperienced working class masses and poor popular strata. It demonstrates the constant and at the same time contradictory features of the development of the working class's alliance with other allied popular strata.
    It teaches us that heightened militant and even revolutionary attitudes coexist with confused and disorienting standpoints and views. Of course the most robust attitudes develop amongst the industrial workers, the working class.
    Consequently, it is very important for the ideological and political vanguard, the communist party, to elaborate and stick closely to the political line, to intervene substantially and specifically so that the movement of insurgent masses, the militant protests, planned confrontation and subversive activity take on a revolutionary orientation. Indeed, it must take into account that within the ranks of the movement there are forces active which are influenced by bourgeois ideology, a plethora of wavering petty bourgeois forces that bring these views into the ranks of the vanguard.
    The ability of the Bolshevik Party, headed by Lenin, to constantly adapt did not lead it into following the mistaken path of erasing the essence of its goal for the revolutionary overthrow of the system and workers' power. The ability to fulfill each task through correct adjustments should not lead to the gradual change of the strategic goal in the name of being adaptable. This is a crucial question for every CP.
    Otherwise, there is a real danger of being dispersed amongst the masses, of being co-opted to positions inside the system, of transforming your strategy into one continuous set of maneuvers and tactics. Of course, one must always be aware that you can also be led onto a path that is equally painful for the working class and of course painless for the bourgeois class i.e. the path of isolation, retrenchment and dogmatism.
    The communist parties today must constantly seek to creatively use the method and experience of the Bolsheviks, of that party's leadership and Lenin, in their daily activity and the way in which they combined theoretical work with the study of domestic and international developments and the experience of the class struggle itself.
    Through this process, a clear Marxist-Leninist answer can be provided to the following question, why was the victorious strategy of the Bolsheviks not at the centre of the analyses of the International Communist Movement, why did the CPs operate mainly on the basis of the previous analyses, in essence depriving the Leninist line of its revolutionary workers' content and leading many CPs into sliding into social-democratic positions and opportunism?

    The fact that the revolutionary content and gains which came as a result of the October Revolution over the course of decades were weakened due to the impact of trying to solve existent problems of socialist construction in a mistaken direction, by following capitalist recipes, as we often say, a course that chronologically coincided with the decisions of the 20th Congress of the CPSU in 1956, does not change or alter the internal dynamism of socialist construction or of course the decisive importance of the Great October Revolution of 1917.
    Socialism did not endure in its first great attempt, in the struggle against the old, against reaction both domestically and internationally, something that resulted in its degeneration and in the end its overthrow, which entered its final phase in the 1980s through the notorious Perestroika and was completed through the counterrevolution and capitalist restoration in the USSR and the other socialist countries of Europe and Asia at the beginning of the 1990s.
    Of course, the imperialist encirclement of the socialist system was a powerful fact that fed the internal problems and contradictions. It led to decisions that made socialist construction more difficult. One aspect, which is very rarely highlighted, is the objective fact that the arms race that the socialist countries were driven into participating in, above all the USSR, in confrontation with imperialist barbarity absorbed a large section of the economic and other resources of the Soviet Union and the other countries.
    At the same time, the line of "peaceful coexistence" that mainly developed at the 20th Congress of the CPSU and afterwards, allowed for the fostering of many utopian views that it is possible for imperialism to give up on war and military methods.
    The developments in the International Communist Movement, the split in the ICM, issues to do with its strategy also played a serious role in the formation of the global correlation of forces.
    The dissolution of the Communist International in 1943, under specific historical political conditions, signaled in any case the absence of a centre for the elaboration of a revolutionary workers' strategy against the international bourgeoisie, the international capitalist system.
    Despite the fact that the conditions for the sharpening of the class contradictions during the 2nd World War sharpened, the anti-fascist struggle of the peoples led to the overthrow of bourgeois power only in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe, with the decisive contribution of the Red Army.
    The Communist Parties in the capitalist West were not able to elaborate a strategy to transform the imperialist war or liberation struggle into struggle to conquer state power.
    After the end of World War II, the lack of organizational connection between the CPs to form an independent strategy against the unified strategy of international imperialism became apparent. The International Conferences that took place later were not able to contribute to the ideological unity and the formation of a revolutionary strategy.
    Our party has learned from its weaknesses and mistakes during the past, such as the lack of theoretical and political readiness to understand the development of the counterrevolution in the USSR in a timely fashion.

    We consider that it is the responsibility and right of every CP to study the theoretical issues of socialism, to evaluate the course of socialist construction, to draw conclusions for the battle against opportunism at an international level, to prepare the party and class forces in general in order to explain the class struggle at an international level, to provide a scientific class explanation of the setbacks to social progress and development. In this internationalist and communist spirit, we try to follow the developments today in countries like China, Vietnam, Cuba and other countries.
    The scientific explanation and defense of socialism's contribution in the 20th century is an element that strengthens the revolutionary strategy of the communist movement.
    The study of the contradictions, of the subjective mistakes of the historical progress as a whole is a process that develops the theory of socialism-communism, which will revive the communist movement ideologically and politically and will provide it with overwhelming strength in its new offensive and final victory.

    We are convinced that the final victory will be emerge from the repeated defeats. The "defeat" of the October revolution by the counterrevolution of 1989-1991 can become a school for the next revolution. As a great intellectual wrote (the Hungarian, Laszlo Gurko): "The revolution is the greatest elation of humanity. Whoever has tasted it once never forgets its taste."
    Amongst our most important tasks today is to restore the workers' knowledge about the truth of socialism in the 20th century, without idealizations, objectively and free of the slanders of the bourgeoisie, which are based on the catastrophes brought about by the counterrevolution.
    Capitalism may still be strong today, but it is not invincible. The people are powerful when they struggle with the correct strategy. We look upon the 21st century with optimism.
    The 20th century began with the greatest offensive launched by the proletariat in any era and ended with its temporary defeat. The 21st century will bring new offensives and revolutionary victories, the final and this time irreversible overthrow of capitalism and the construction of socialism-communism.
    The spectre of socialism-communism is today haunting the bloody dreams of the bourgeois the world over. We must take the decision to become their permanent nightmare.

    * General Secretary of the CC of the Communist Party of Greece (KKE).
    Αναρτήθηκε από In Defense of Communism
    "We say to the workers: 'You will have to go through fifteen, twenty, fifty years of civil wars and international wars, not only in order to change existing conditions, but also in order to change yourselves and fit yourselves for the exercise of political power."'

    MARX (On the Communist Trial at Cologne, 1851).

  4. #184
    Communist-backed 'Panspoudastiki' gains second place in Greece's student elections

    Report by In Defense of Communism, Info by

    “Panspoudastiki KS”, the communist-backed university students party- emerges again at a national level as the second force in the Universities and the Technological Institutes. The result confirms that there is a very important mass of students that place their trust in the positions and activity of the Communist Youth of Greece (KNE).

    Thousands of students supported the lists of “Panspoudastiki KS” (PKS) in the student union elections held on the 24th of May. They struggled alongside the members of KNE in order to shape the positive result of the student union elections.

    “Panspoudastiki KS” increased its actual votes and percentage in the Universities, receiving 24.48% (in 114 from 199 Schools). The lists of DAP (of the conservative party New Democracy) gain the majority of votes (37.89%), while PASP (of the social-democratic party PASOK) and EAAK (ultra-left ANTARSYA) saw a reduction in their actual votes in the universities. The government-oriented list BLOKO of the new social-democratic party SYRIZA has decreased dramatically, reaching 0.50%.

    In the Technological Institutes “Panspoudastiki KS” received 25.81% (in 37 from 66 Schools) being in the third place.

    In a statement, the General Secretary of the CC of KNE Nikos Abatielos points out the fact that "Panspoudastiki KS" remains a "militant force", remaing the second force in the University student elections. "The KKE and KNE will continue our efforts to strengthen the line of counterattack, against the antipeople policy of governments-EU-capital which crashes the studies and life of thousands of students" said Abatielos, adding that "the KKE and KNE will be in the front line of the struggle".

    * While this post was written, the counting of the votes was still in progress. You can check out the results by clicking here (in Greek).

    UPDATE (25.5.2017, 1:06 pm).

    "Panspoudastiki" has received 20.69% (in 185 from 199 Uni. Schools) in Universities remaining second force. In Technological Institutes "Panspoudastiki" has 20.70% being the third force after DAP and PASP.
    "We say to the workers: 'You will have to go through fifteen, twenty, fifty years of civil wars and international wars, not only in order to change existing conditions, but also in order to change yourselves and fit yourselves for the exercise of political power."'

    MARX (On the Communist Trial at Cologne, 1851).

  5. #185
    KKE: PM Tsipras and his government are the "best students" of NATO

    Info: / Translation: In Defense of Communism.

    On the occasion of the NATO Summit in Brussels, the Press Office of the CC of the Communist Party of Greece (KKE) issued the following statement:

    "The Summit of NATO's leaders of states and governments took the baton from last year's Warsaw Summit and, despite individual contradictions, decided the escalation of its (NATO's) attack against the people, thus confirming the criminal role of this imperialist organisation.

    The Summit decided:

    - The acceleration, completion of the implementation of the Warsaw resolutions and the strengthening of the systematic presence of NATO forces in Eastern and Central European, Baltic and Black Sea countries in conjunction with the deployment of the missile shield system in the region, within the framework of the competition with Russia, by gathering dangerous military forces at its borders.

    - The strengthening of NATO's involvement on the war in Syria with participation in the imperialist coalition of states in which the USA have a leading role, for the promotion of their interests in this country and the wider region of Middle East-Northern Africa.

    - The presence of NATO forces in Eastern Mediterranean and the Aegean Sea, the continuation of the intervention in Afghanistan and Iraq.

    The multifaceted pretext about "combating terrorism" and "control of migratory flows" do not convince anyone, when it is known that NATO, the USA, the EU firmly supported the so-called islamist terrorism for the destabilization and partitioning of countries, for the promotion of their war plans. These are the causes of the exacerbation of migratory and refugee flows.

    The SYRIZA-ANEL government and the Prime Minister are becoming the "best students" of NATO. They overbid the role of Greece in the framework of the Alliance, as it is proved by the expansion of the Souda base and the coverage, from the Greek side, of the enormous NATO's expenditures. The goal of the "geostrategic upgrade" has to do with the Greek capital's participation in the "prey" of the wars, while for the people it means huge dangers.

    The developments require the intensification of the struggle for our country's disengagement from NATO and the other imperialist organisations. No involvement in the war plans and interventions. Closure of the foreign military bases in Greece and return of the Greek soldiers who serve outside of the borders. Common struggle and people's solidarity against the imperialist wars, the bourgeois classes and their warmongering policy for their own profits."
    "We say to the workers: 'You will have to go through fifteen, twenty, fifty years of civil wars and international wars, not only in order to change existing conditions, but also in order to change yourselves and fit yourselves for the exercise of political power."'

    MARX (On the Communist Trial at Cologne, 1851).

  6. #186
    Just a few, shallow comments.

    Wonder who staged the photo? Erdogan is on the front row with US and Britain? While France and Germany are in the second row - along side Greece? Merkel looks like someone just killed her dog. And Tzipras is such a smug little punk.

    Also, the quality of thought and expression displayed by KKE commentaries are so far beyond anything the CPUSA can muster that it tends to make one call for the official dissolving of the latter.
    "America was never great"

    "Anyone who analyzes the state of affairs in the world will find that it is the imperialists and capitalists, who subject the world to the worst poverty, the worst backwardness, and they are simply the scourge of mankind." - Fidel

    "Privilege begets psychopathy" - blindpig

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