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eattherich
06-20-2008, 10:32 PM
Is Cuba Done With Equality?

By MOSHE ADLER

The Communist Party of Cuba has seen the light; it has just announced that from now on wages in Cuba will not be determined by the government, which kept them nearly equal, but by workers' productivity. Of course, since it was the Party itself that made this change, ideologically this is as momentous as the fall of the Berlin Wall.

That this is an ideological defeat for equality and for communism there can be no doubt. As economist David Ricardo explained some two hundred years ago, the very idea of "worker productivity" is a hollow concept. Not only can a worker's productivity not be measured, it cannot even be defined.

Ricardo pointed out that production is normally performed by workers who work not with their bare hands but with machines, producing not a whole product but instead performing only one step in a production process that has many. Therefore, Ricardo explained, a worker's productivity cannot be separated either from the productivity of the machine that she works with, or from the productivity of the rest of the workers in the production process. When a skyscraper goes up, how much of a building would there be with only a crane operator but no crane, or with only a crane and operator but no workers to pour the concrete? The workers and machines together form a team, and measuring the productivity of the team is easy: In the case of construction it may be one or two buildings a year, for instance. But measuring the productivity of an individual worker or a particular piece of machinery is impossible, because a worker by herself or a machine by itself would not be able to produce anything at all.

What determines wages, then? According to Ricardo the team gets paid the value of the product that it has produced, but the division of this pay among the different members of the team is determined not by each member's productivity, but by each member's bargaining power. Workers' bargaining power is determined by the strength of unions, the minimum wage law and unemployment insurance. Shareholders' bargaining power is determined by the strength of the laws that permit them to control executive compensation. Pay is determined not by objective measures of productivity but by power.

Since Ricardo's explanation is so obvious, where does the notion that in a market system wages are determined by workers' productivity come from? It was invented by a Columbia University professor of economics, John Bates Clark, in a book published in 1899 called "The Distribution of Wealth: A Theory of Wages, Interest and Profits." Clark of course knew Ricardo's theory of wages, but he was more of a man with a social mission than a scientist. His mission? To end the class war between employers and workers that raged at the time. Events such as the Haymarket Massacre of 1886 and the hanging of eight labor leaders that followed led Clark to believe that the spectre of socialism was haunting the US. In the introduction to his book he explained:

"The indictment that hangs over society is that of "exploiting labor." "Workmen" it is said, "are regularly robbed of what they produce. This is done within the forms of law, and by the natural working of competition." If this charge were proved, every right-minded man should become a socialist."

Clark took it upon himself to prove that the charge of exploitation was wrong and his "proof" could not have been simpler. He simply stated that in spite of the fact that workers use machines and in spite of the fact that production involves many steps, the productivity of the individual worker is measurable, and it is this productivity that determines the worker's wage. Not only do workers get all they deserve, but if the wage were to be raised employers would have no choice but to fire them. No employer can pay out more than the worker puts in.

The evidence that Clark's theory is wrong is all around us. A taxi requires a driver and a taxi driver requires a taxi. What is the productivity of the taxi without the driver or of the driver without the taxi? The pay of the two together is determined by their productivity, but what the share of the taxi-owner or of the taxi driver is, is determined by their bargaining power.

In 1941, Wassily Leontief, a Nobel Prize winning economist, tried to alert economists to the fallacy of Clark's theory. He pointed out that team production is "no less than a formal rejection of the marginal productivity theory. The marginal productivity of any [factor of production] ... is zero." Like Ricardo before him, Leontief was never challenged. Instead he was simply ignored. And Clark's soothing tale that wages are determined by workers' productivity is still being taught as a rock-solid scientific theory by economists all over the globe.

Since productivity is not measurable, how is the Communist Party of Cuba likely to implement its plan to pay workers according to their productivity? Having fallen for the fallacy that the wages in market economies are determined by productivity, the Party will probably observe the pay differentials that exist in the West and implement them at home. What's in store for Cuba is the standard menu that comes with wage inequality, including poor public education but first-rate private schools, insufficient or no health care for the majority but excellent medical care for CEOs and government officials, a substantial increase in the length of the working day, with fewer vacations and job insecurity to boot.

http://www.counterpunch.org/adler06202008.html

Kid of the Black Hole
06-20-2008, 10:56 PM
Eats, this article was going good when it was beating around the bush. It lost it in the final couple paragraphs.

Wage tiers are not the end of the world in this case. In fact, when Che was in charge of whatever Ministry he implemented a 24-tier wage system that was especially designed to encourage specialists and development of skilled workers, something Cuba was very much in need of.

Nor can we chalk this up to Raul departing from the glorious road of Fidel. Fidel is fully well-versed in Cuba's reliance on foreign remittances, tourism, and recently surging value of nickel. "Reliance" doesn't mean they're dead without those, but its a big part of their foreign intake, over 20% for sure.

On the surface it seems like a step backwards, but its tough to judge from afar. Its not so much the nepotistic system that rewards petty bureaucrats or whatever that is so bothersome.

If the author had went one step further he would have said this: paying people according to their productivity is only possible because productivity is denominated in EXCHANGE VALUE.

Truthfully, I'm not sure this practically matters that much once you see the actual rubric for how its going to be implemented (caps for managers but not for workers). On the other hand, it opens up a large can of worms and that is why we should be discussing it at all NOT because we are vain enough to think we can micromanage Cuban affairs.

I've read that this move is in some way a maneuver to keep the national currency, the peso strong, and undercut the $ but I am not read up enough to quite follow the logic on that. I may be able to find the article that talks about this as it also involves the way that Cuba appropriates a goodly portion of the foreign remittances through currency conversions.

Kid of the Black Hole
06-20-2008, 11:47 PM
OK I didn't find the article but here is a post from the CubaNews newslist:

http://groups.yahoo.com/group/CubaNews/ ... ge%2F86410 (http://groups.yahoo.com/group/CubaNews/auth?check=G&done=http%3A%2F%2Fgroups%2Eyahoo%2Ecom%2Fgroup%2FCubaNews%2Fmessage%2F86410)

This is part of a carefully orchestrated plan aimed at eliminating the
dual currency and restoring the strength of the National currency. The
dual currency has been identified by the Government, through its 3-year
national consultation process with the population, as the source of
greatest income disparity within Cuba. The CUC is pegged to the US
dollar, the recent weakness of which has dragged down the value of the
CUC, greatly assisting the Cuban government in that process.

The effects of the plan are already being felt on the ground where the
value of the Pesos has risen against the CUC and people are converting
their CUC savings into the national currency in anticipation of it
rising further. Those who receive CUC from remittances are quick to
change the currency for pesos for fear of being left with a devaluing
currency.

This is a complete reversal of the situation that pertained in Cuba in
the 1990s. Far from increasing income disparity, it is part of a suite
of policy changes which will reduce it by the gradual elimination the
greater distorting effects of the dual currency economy.

That suite of measures also includes stimulation of local production
(especially food production) to ensure that privately produced goods
flow back into the pesos markets.

The sectors of the economy where these production bonus payments will be
applied are likely to be strictly regulated to ensure maximum public
benefit. The removal of the income ceiling means that Cubans will also
be encouraged to work harder. Quite where this is in conflict with the
socialist motto of "From each according to his ability, to each
according to his work" is difficult to tell, but it is likely to be the
media spin that the story attracts in the west.

These measures are likely to be popular with Cubans, strengthening the
position of the government and increasing its ability to cope with
international developments like the rise in oil and food import prices.

Meanwhile, European governments struggle with blockades by truck
drivers, farmers and fishermen facing bankruptcy as a result of the 40%
rise in diesel fuel prices. They are lucky, they pay for their fuel in
Euro, an appreciating currency, unlike their dollar touting US counter
parts. - SMcG.

========================================================================
================


Cuba to abandon salary equality

01:01 GMT, Thursday, 12 June 2008 02:01 UK
http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/americas/7449776.stm


Cuba is to abolish its system of equal pay for all and allow workers and
managers to earn performance bonuses, a senior official has announced.

Vice-Minister for Labour Carlos Mateu said the current system - in place
since the communist revolution in 1959 - was no longer "convenient".

He said wage differentiation should improve production and services.

President Raul Castro has introduced a series of reforms since
succeeding his ailing brother Fidel in February.

Writing in the communist party newspaper Granma Mr Mateu said workers
would receive a minimum 5% bonus for meeting targets but with no ceiling
on salaries.

Managers could earn a 30% bonus if the team working under them increased
production, he said.

The minister pointed out that the current wage system sapped employees'
incentives to excel since everyone earned the same regardless of
performance.

"It's harmful to give a worker less than he deserves, it's also harmful
to give him what he doesn't deserve," the newspaper article said.


Challenging Marxist orthodoxy

But the impact in terms of purchasing power will be limited, the BBC's
Michael Voss in Havana says.
Raul Castro has brought in a series of gradual social reforms

The average wage in Cuba for everyone - from doctors to farm labourers -
is about $20 (£10) a month.

Even before the recent sharp rise in oil and food prices Cuba was
spending billions of dollars on imports, and that bill is likely to rise
sharply, our correspondent says.

So far most of the reforms announced since Raul Castro took over the
presidency have involved lifting restrictions such as the bans on mobile
phones and computers.

The latest change is a more fundamental challenge to Marxist economic
orthodoxy, our correspondent adds.

Kid of the Black Hole
06-20-2008, 11:51 PM
Sorry to make a third consecutive post about this, but running from the currency argument talked about in the article above, there is a counter argument that this is potentially a "positive".

Here is another mail post, I am taking it from my notes because I'm not exactly sure where I got it from:

Actually, I found the adoption of these measures, assuming this has
been done realistically, to be very encouraging. It is an indication
that the economy is making sufficient progress where, in the judgment
of the leadership, material incentives make sense. When there is
barely enough for subsistence consumption by the bulk of the
population, such incentives don't make sense and can't work because
the additional income is essentially worthless, with either nothing to
buy or with non-monetary rationing of the formally unrationed (and
even rationed) goods.

Cuba learned some very costly lessons in this regard with the
"revolutionary offensive" of the late 1960's. What was discovered was
that a typical husband-and-wife family was better off by NOT having
both work -- so that one was able to immediately get in the cue for
whatever product had become available. There was also the famous
experiment of not charging for the amount of water used in a part of
Havana. Consumption tripled showing, as Fidel said at the time, that
Cubans were not ready for Communist distribution, although the flip
side of that is simply that Cuba's production of potable water wasn't
yet sufficient for Communist distribution.

In many ways, Cuba HAD to return to policies similar to the
"revolutionary offensive" in the 90's. This wasn't an advance, it was
a retreat imposed on the revolution. Greater egalitarianism was
necessary for all to survive. Now that the economy is beginning to
allow significantly more than subsistence, it is entirely appropriate
to use material incentives as a lever to spur further economic
progress.

This is not an abandonment of Che's economic ideas; Che insisted that
material incentives in and of themselves were not sufficient, and that
improperly applied they could/would undercut the development of
political consciousness, replacing the common good with "looking out
for number one." But this doesn't mean material incentives have no
role. On the contrary, if slacking off has no material consequences
then this becomes a material dis-incentive.

Cuba has also had extensive experience pulling back from
overly-egalitarian economic policies, in the 1970's and early 1980's.
One of the mistakes made then was that incentives were greatest for
workers engaged in actual production. What this meant was that it was
very hard to get people to accept management positions: you could make
more as a production worker.

I mention this specifically because the incentives for managers have
been singled out here. Part of the "rectification of errors" of the
mid-1980s was not just downgrading an undue emphasis and in quite a
few cases the exaggerated size of material incentives that had grown
up over the previous 15 years, but also dealing with the management
incentives issues. Unfortunately, the growing crisis in the USSR,
which led to the collapse of East European "really existing"
(bureaucratic) socialism, stopped Cuba from further pursuing an even
handed correction and instead forced the adoption of what's now being
overcome, the "special period," essentially an extremely constrained
war-time-like economy.

The most significant and dangerous retreat of the special period was
the legalization of the dollar, and the dollarization of significant
parts of the economy. This was a step back that created huge social
inequality. Remittances especially favored urban, white middle-class
families. If the current drive towards material incentives and
revalorization of the peso progress, it will result in an undermining
of the scale (purchasing power) and therefore corrupting influence of
the remittances.

Eventually the goal has to be that a layer of Cubans can live as well
or better from a locally earned salary in pesos than from getting a
couple of hundred dollars from abroad each month, without undercutting
the ability of most of the population to a modestly decorous standard
of living.

Yes, this will bring its own problems, and if this stage of policy is
successful, probably the next will have to be, some years hence,
another "rectification of errors" where greater stress is placed on
raising the living standard of the bulk of the population and almost
certainly unjustified privileges and abuses which will grow out of
this policy will have to be dealt with.

While in SOME aspects this policy is formally a "retreat," if the
objective of revalorizing the Cuban peso and Cuban salaries in pesos
is successful, then OVERALL it will not have been a retreat, but
rather an advance in the building of socialism by reducing to a
relatively small material magnitude the privileges that come with
receiving dollars from abroad. It is much, much better for relatively
privileged layers to have obtained those privileges in connection with
their contribution to the Cuban economy than from having family ties
to Miami.

Joaquin